Yery\u00fcz\u00fcnde do\u011fal kaynaklar giderek azal\u0131yor. K\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7ler, ekonomik zenginlik ve g\u00f6nencin yaln\u0131zca kendi toplumlar\u0131na yetece\u011fi kayg\u0131s\u0131yla b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnya kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 denetim alt\u0131na almay\u0131 planl\u0131yor. Birinci ve \u0130kinci payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015flar\u0131 sonras\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 elde eden ulusal devletler \u00fczerinde yeni bir payla\u015f\u0131m s\u00fcreci y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcresel ekonomik sistem, zengin ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00fclkelerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki ekonomik co\u011frafyalar\u0131, kendi zenginliklerinin birer girdisi gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. Bu yerlerin de\u011ferli ekonomik ve insan kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ncelikle kendi \u015firketlerinin kullan\u0131m\u0131na vermeyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yor. \u0130\u015f birlik\u00e7i y\u00f6netim ve yerel egemenler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla halk\u0131n varl\u0131kl\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 markal\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin m\u00fc\u015fterisi konumuna getirirken, geni\u015f bir kesim giderek yoksulla\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
ABD, AB, \u00c7in ve Rusya gibi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc toplumlar, \u00e7ok uluslu \u015firketleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn enerji ve ham madde kaynaklar\u0131na el koyma arzular\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131k gizlemiyor. D\u00fcnya kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n, yerel halk ve b\u00f6lge uluslar\u0131nca yeterince kullan\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131 f\u0131rsat bilerek, kendi ekonomilerine kazand\u0131rmak istiyorlar.<\/p>\n
S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci \u00fclkeler, ge\u00e7mi\u015fte d\u00fcnya ekonomisindeki zenginli\u011fin as\u0131l kayna\u011f\u0131 olan ekonomik kaynaklar\u0131 elde etmek amac\u0131yla \u00fclkeleri i\u015fgal ederdi. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, kendi kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6netmede yetersiz kalm\u0131\u015f ekonomik co\u011frafyalar\u0131n, a\u00e7\u0131ktan askeri ve fiziki olarak i\u015fgali pek yararl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor. A\u00e7\u0131k s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik ve i\u015fgal politikalar\u0131, toplumlarda ger\u00e7ek milliyet\u00e7ilik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini ve vatanseverlik duygular\u0131n\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7iriyor.<\/p>\n
Postmodern s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda, halk\u0131 yeterince bilin\u00e7li olmayan ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce k\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7inde olan toplumlar, \u00e7o\u011funlukla kendi y\u00f6netim ve siyaset sistemleri \u00fczerinden kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131n\u0131yor. Ekonomik kaynaklara sahip olan ve ticaret yollar\u0131 \u00fczerinde bulunan \u00fclkelerin y\u00f6netici ve siyaset\u00e7ilerine -ideolojilerine bak\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n- kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na g\u00f6re hareket ettikleri \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bi\u00e7imsel olmayan ciddi destekler veriliyor.<\/p>\n
Yoksul \u00fclkeler i\u00e7in ortaya konulan k\u00fcresel s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck aparatlar\u0131ndan birisinin de zay\u0131f karakterli ve kompleksli yerel siyaset\u00e7iler oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Tepeden inme \u2018tek adam\u2019 rejimleri kurulmas\u0131na destek olunuyor ya da pop\u00fclist demokrasi yoluyla yerel siyasetin i\u015fleyi\u015fine n\u00fcfuz ediliyor. \u0130\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fc arkas\u0131ndan \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc stratejik kararlar al\u0131nmas\u0131 sa\u011flan\u0131yor. Demokratik bir d\u00fczende siyasal parti y\u00f6netimleri, kendi \u00fcye ve se\u00e7menlerinin tav\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 temsil etmekle y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcd\u00fcr. G\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc demokrasilerde parti y\u00f6netimleri, kritik konularda -nas\u0131l karar ald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamadan- se\u00e7menlerini ikna etmek \u00fczere yo\u011fun propaganda yap\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7ler, yerel y\u00f6netim ve siyaset sistemleri \u00fczerinden kendi lehlerine do\u011frudan ya da dolayl\u0131 yollardan karar al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayamad\u0131klar\u0131 zaman, b\u00f6lgesel \u015fartlara g\u00f6re etnik ve dinsel iddialara dayal\u0131 ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fctleri olu\u015fturuyor. K\u00fcresel projelere direnen \u00fclkeleri, birer ta\u015feron gibi kulland\u0131klar\u0131 ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fctleriyle istikrars\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor. Y\u00f6netici ve siyaset\u00e7iler ile halk\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131nda kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve y\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131k yaratt\u0131ktan sonra baz\u0131 siyasal anlay\u0131\u015flar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla taleplerini kabul ettirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n
Ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, devlet yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve toplumsal b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bozucu bir rol oynuyor. Yerel s\u00f6ylem ve simgeler kullanmakla birlikte \u00e7o\u011funlukla arkalar\u0131nda k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7ler bulunuyor. K\u00fcreselle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin patronlar\u0131, ideolojik olarak kapitalist olsalar bile, kom\u00fcnist ve dinci ideolojiler \u00fczerinden ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini destekliyor. Bu anlamda, Orta Do\u011fu\u2019da ve b\u00f6lgemizde, belirli bir me\u015fruiyet \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde ekonomik ve ticari konularda bile \u2018\u00f6rg\u00fctlenme\u2019 etkinli\u011fi kazanamam\u0131\u015f baz\u0131 kesimlerin, yasa d\u0131\u015f\u0131 ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini kurmalar\u0131 ve s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeleri olduk\u00e7a dikkat \u00e7ekici bir husustur.<\/p>\n
Zay\u0131f toplumlardaki y\u00f6netimler, k\u00fcresel sermayenin belirledi\u011fi rotadan \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, kendi halk\u0131na ne kadar tahakk\u00fcm kurarsa kursun, y\u00f6netim rejiminin nas\u0131l oldu\u011fu bir sorun olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fcyor. S\u00f6zgelimi, k\u00fcresel sermayenin mutlak tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc alt\u0131nda bulunan anti demokratik petrol zengini \u00fclkelerde yayg\u0131n ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fctlerine rastlanm\u0131yor. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u00e7izgisinde kararl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde ekonomik ve demokratik geli\u015fmesini s\u00fcrd\u00fcren T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye, Cumhuriyet\u2019in ilk y\u0131llar\u0131 ile 1984\u2019den bu yana etnik-solcu ve dinci ter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fctleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ayar \u00e7ekilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Ter\u00f6r\u00fcn can yak\u0131c\u0131 ve ekonomik y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 ile psikolojik ezikli\u011fi \u00fczerinden siyaset ve toplum g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc bir hale getirilmek isteniyor.<\/p>\n
T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci g\u00fc\u00e7lerin i\u015flerine geldi\u011fi i\u00e7in kendisine verilmi\u015f de\u011fildir. Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u00f6nderli\u011finde T\u00fcrklerin can\u0131 ve kan\u0131yla kazan\u0131ld\u0131. Kutlu bir ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131 verilmekle birlikte uygar d\u00fcnya ile diplomatik temaslar ba\u015far\u0131yla y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc. Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn hayatta oldu\u011fu ilk on be\u015f y\u0131l boyunca tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan hi\u00e7 taviz verilmeden, tar\u0131m, sanayi ve hizmet kesimlerinde \u00e7ok ciddi geli\u015fmeler ya\u015fand\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nemde, \u00fclkemizde i\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f i\u015flerinde tamamen kendi inisiyatifi do\u011frultusunda kararlar al\u0131nd\u0131 ve uyguland\u0131. Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019yla yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lan \u0130ngiliz ve Frans\u0131zlar\u0131n k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmas\u0131yla ba\u015flat\u0131lan i\u00e7 karga\u015falar, her g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devletin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi i\u00e7 ve uluslararas\u0131 hukukun verdi\u011fi hakla sonland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n
Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn vefat\u0131 sonras\u0131nda k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne y\u00f6nelik d\u0131\u015f taleplerinde ve dayatmalar\u0131nda belirgin bir art\u0131\u015f olmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. So\u011fuk sava\u015f\u0131n neden oldu\u011fu blokla\u015fma kapsam\u0131nda \u00fclkemize, asker\u00ee ama\u00e7la NATO\u2019ya dahil olma ihtiyac\u0131 hissettirildi. Ancak, patron \u00fclke ABD, NATO\u2019yu kendisinin k\u00fcresel bir m\u00fcdahale arac\u0131 gibi kullanarak siyasi, ekonomik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel dayatmalar\u0131yla T\u00fcrk y\u00f6netimini kendi etkisi alt\u0131na alma \u00e7abas\u0131na giri\u015fti. Bu kapsamda, T\u00fcrk ekonomisi k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin asker\u00ee ve ekonomik lojistik merkezi olmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na al\u0131nmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Bu talep ve bask\u0131lara direnmek isteyen ki\u015fi, kurum ve iktidarlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na epeyce belalar geldi.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcresel bask\u0131lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda, temelleri Cumhuriyet\u2019in ilk y\u0131llar\u0131nda at\u0131lan, kamu-\u00f6zel giri\u015fimcilik birlikteli\u011fine dayal\u0131 toplumsal kalk\u0131nma politikas\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7ilmesiydi. D\u00fcnya ekonomisine \u2018entegre\u2019 olunmas\u0131 i\u00e7in liberal- kapitalizmin T\u00fcrk ekonomisine bi\u00e7ti\u011fi rol\u00fcn tam olarak oynanmas\u0131 isteniyordu. T\u00fcrk y\u00f6netim ve siyaset yap\u0131s\u0131, k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin beklentilerine tam olarak cevap vermek istemedi\u011fi zaman, etnik ve dinsel topluluklar \u00fczerinden ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 ve b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc hareketler birer manivela gibi kullan\u0131l\u0131r oldu.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcresel kapitalizmin \u00fclkemize dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 neo-liberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, Amerikanc\u0131 cunta 12 Eyl\u00fcl Darbesi ve uzant\u0131s\u0131 d\u00f6rt e\u011filimli siyasal iktidar yapt\u0131. Asker\u00ee cunta ve arabesk siyasal iktidar, k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin isteklerini, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel k\u00f6kleri olan milliyet\u00e7i, solcu, \u0130slamc\u0131 ve liberal siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerle beklenildi\u011fi gibi yerine getiremezdi. Bu y\u00fczden, \u00f6zellikle 2820 Say\u0131l\u0131 Siyasi Partiler Kanunuyla T\u00fcrk siyasetinde \u2018G\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015f Genel Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k\u2019 sistemine ge\u00e7ildi. Bu d\u00f6rt \u2018neo\/yeni\u2019 siyasal anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 temsil eden siyasal partilerin genel ba\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131, demokrasinin tan\u0131m ve \u00f6z\u00fcne ayk\u0131r\u0131 olarak, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde g\u00fc\u00e7lendirildi. B\u00f6ylece, ad\u0131m ad\u0131m milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin i\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131larak neo-milliyet\u00e7ilik, solculu\u011fun i\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131larak neo-solculuk, islamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131larak neo-islamc\u0131l\u0131k, liberalli\u011fin i\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131larak neo-liberalcilik d\u00f6nemi ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131. Bu yeni d\u00f6neme uyum sa\u011flamada geciken ya da direnenler b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde siyasal itibarlar\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti. Kendi siyasal partilerinin as\u0131l siyasal kimli\u011fine ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel temellerine sahip \u00e7\u0131kan siyaset\u00e7iler, bir t\u00fcr insan k\u0131yma makinesi gibi i\u015fleyen g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015f genel ba\u015fkanlar taraf\u0131ndan tasfiye edildi.<\/p>\n
Pop\u00fclist siyasal yap\u0131lar, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrdeki \u00e7eki\u015fmelerine ra\u011fmen, ekonomi politik yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce iklimine yak\u0131n duruyor. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin en eski m\u00fcdahale arac\u0131 olan etnik ve dinci b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe anlay\u0131\u015f g\u00f6sterme konusunda birbirleriyle yar\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Yeni siyaset yapma tarz\u0131, neredeyse kendi \u00fcye ve taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n ama\u00e7 ve beklentilerini temsil etmekten \u00e7ok, k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin beklentileri do\u011frultusunda kendi tabanlar\u0131n\u0131 ikna etmeye odaklanm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n
Darbecilerin 2820 Say\u0131l\u0131 Siyasi Partiler Kanunu, siyasal parti genel ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00fcst y\u00f6netimini, kendi toplumsal tabanlar\u0131n\u0131n e\u011filim ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinden kopuk siyaset yapma al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fckl\u00fcyor. Bu durum, siyasal partilerin birer demokratik \u00f6rg\u00fct olma \u00f6zelli\u011fini bozuyor. Ayr\u0131ca, siyasal parti y\u00f6netimlerini g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc d\u0131\u015f etkilere ve m\u00fcdahalelere a\u00e7\u0131k hale getiriyor.<\/p>\n
Sonu\u00e7 olarak, mevcut 2820 Say\u0131l\u0131 Siyasi Partiler Kanunu, demokratikle\u015fme lehinde de\u011fi\u015fmedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece, genel ba\u015fkanlar siyasal partinin \u2018tek adam\u0131\u2019 olacakt\u0131r. \u2018Tek adaml\u0131k\u2019 olgusu, demokrasilerde toplumsal sorunlara birer \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi olan siyasal partileri, en hafifinden tek ki\u015finin liyakat d\u00fczeyine hapseder. En k\u00f6t\u00fc ihtimal ise, k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin talimat ve \u015fantajlar\u0131na \u00fclkeyi a\u00e7\u0131k hale getirme riski bar\u0131nd\u0131rmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
K\u00fcresel ekonomik sistem, zengin ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00fclkelerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki ekonomik co\u011frafyalar\u0131, kendi zenginliklerinin birer girdisi gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":187,"featured_media":18545,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_ef_editorial_meta_date_first-draft-date":"","_ef_editorial_meta_paragraph_assignment":"","footnotes":"","_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[434,187,79],"coauthors":[2225],"class_list":["post-18542","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-genel","tag-demokrasi","tag-turkiye","tag-yonetim"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18542","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/187"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=18542"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18542\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":18563,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18542\/revisions\/18563"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/18545"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=18542"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=18542"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=18542"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=18542"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}