Sevgili Okuyucum,<\/p>\n
Tarih yaln\u0131zca muharebelerin, antla\u015fmalar\u0131n ya da taht kavgalar\u0131n\u0131n kayd\u0131 de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda milletlerin zihniyet d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n, siyaset telakkilerinin ve iktidar anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n aynas\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00fcrk tarihinin bu kadim aynas\u0131na bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zdaysa kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za her defas\u0131nda iktidar\u0131n kudretinin, t\u00f6renin adaletiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 oldu\u011fu kadar baki kalaca\u011f\u0131 hakikati \u00e7\u0131kar. T\u00fcrk siyaset d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde devlet, yaln\u0131zca bir kuvvet ve cebir mekanizmas\u0131 de\u011fil; aksine, Tanr\u0131sal nizamla bezenmi\u015f t\u00f6re d\u00fczeninin yery\u00fcz\u00fcndeki tecellisidir. Bu sebeple eski T\u00fcrk bilgeleri, T\u00f6reyi korumayan devlet y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131r h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fc bir nasihat de\u011fil, bir tabiat kanunu olarak telakki etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
T\u00f6re s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz dilinde \u00e7o\u011fu kez dar anlamlarla, \u00f6rf veya gelenek gibi daralt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir kavramla kar\u015f\u0131lan\u0131r; oysa t\u00f6re kadim T\u00fcrk siyas\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde bundan \u00e7ok daha geni\u015f ve kutsal bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131r. Yaz\u0131l\u0131 kanunlar\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, adaletin tesisini, sosyal ahengi, iktisad\u00ee \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcy\u00fc, sava\u015f ve bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131, hatta y\u00f6neticinin davran\u0131\u015f tarz\u0131n\u0131 bile kapsayan bir b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fcr. T\u00f6re, T\u00fcrk devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ne s\u0131radan bir hukuk sistemi ne de sadece bir idare bi\u00e7imi de\u011fildir; o, devletin ruhu, varl\u0131k sebebi ve milletin tarih\u00ee haf\u0131zas\u0131n\u0131n kodlar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan bir toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmedir. Orhun Yaz\u0131tlar\u0131nda Bilge Ka\u011fan\u2019\u0131n \u201c\u00dcze k\u00f6k tengri asra yag\u0131z yer k\u0131l\u0131ndukda, ikin ara ki\u015fi ogl\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131nm\u0131\u015f\u2026\u201d1 s\u00f6zleri yaln\u0131zca kozmolojik bir tasvir de\u011fildir; ayn\u0131 zamanda siyaset felsefesine dair temel bir ilkedir. \u0130nsan topluluklar\u0131, g\u00f6k ile yer aras\u0131ndaki d\u00fczenin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak, bu kozmik nizam\u0131n devam\u0131 i\u00e7in t\u00f6reye uymakla m\u00fckelleftir. T\u00f6re, Tanr\u0131sal nizam\u0131n yery\u00fcz\u00fcndeki tezah\u00fcr\u00fc oldu\u011fundan t\u00f6reye riayet etmek, yaln\u0131zca toplumsal bir uzla\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ilah\u00ee iradeye ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k anlam\u0131 da ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n
T\u00fcrk siyaset gelene\u011finde h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131n yetkisi hi\u00e7bir zaman mutlak de\u011fildir. Kut ve h\u00e2kimiyetin; h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131n me\u015fruiyetinin Tanr\u0131sal bir \u00e7er\u00e7evesi vard\u0131r. Tanr\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan bah\u015fedilen \u201ckut\u201d, yani y\u00f6netme kudreti ve me\u015fruiyet, t\u00f6reyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r. Bir ka\u011fan, t\u00f6reye riayet etti\u011fi, adaletle h\u00fckmetti\u011fi ve halk\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zetti\u011fi m\u00fcddet\u00e7e Tanr\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan kendisine verilen izni muhafaza eder; t\u00f6reden sapt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise Tanr\u0131, bu ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131 ondan al\u0131r. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, iktidar\u0131 mutlak g\u00fc\u00e7ten ay\u0131r\u0131r ve onu Tanr\u0131sal nizam\u0131n hizmetk\u00e2r\u0131 h\u00e2line getirir. Kutadgu Bilig\u2019de Yusuf Has Hacip\u2019in dile getirdi\u011fi \u201cBeylik t\u00f6re ile kaimdir, t\u00f6re giderse beyli\u011fin temeli sars\u0131l\u0131r.\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc, bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n g\u00fczel, \u00f6zl\u00fc bir ifadesidir. H\u00fck\u00fcmdar, kendi keyf\u00ee arzular\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fil, t\u00f6renin temsilcisidir. Devleti ayakta tutan \u015fey ordunun g\u00fcc\u00fc yahut hazinenin zenginli\u011fi de\u011fil, t\u00f6renin koruyuculu\u011fudur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc t\u00f6re \u00e7i\u011fnendi\u011finde halk ile h\u00fck\u00fcmdar aras\u0131ndaki me\u015fruiyet ba\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcr ve bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme, nihayetinde devleti y\u0131kar.<\/p>\n
Ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na bir okyanus olan g\u00f6rkl\u00fc T\u00fcrk tarihi, t\u00f6reyi ihmal eden h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131n ve devletlerin ak\u0131betiyle doludur. G\u00f6kt\u00fcrk Ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Bilge Ka\u011fan ve Tonyukuk devrinde t\u00f6reye ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k sayesinde Asya bozk\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n en kudretli siyasi g\u00fcc\u00fc h\u00e2line gelmi\u015f ancak sonradan t\u00f6reden uzakla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, i\u00e7 \u00e7eki\u015fmelerin artmas\u0131 ve halk\u0131n devlete olan g\u00fcveninin sars\u0131lmas\u0131yla \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olmu\u015ftur. Uygur Ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da benzer bir ak\u0131bete u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrk karakterine asla uymayan ve devletin resm\u00ee ideolojisi h\u00e2line getirilen Maniheizm(2) geleneksel t\u00f6re anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 ruhu zay\u0131flatm\u0131\u015f ve devlet, d\u0131\u015f sald\u0131r\u0131lar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tutunamaz h\u00e2le gelmi\u015ftir. Sel\u00e7uklu ve Osmanl\u0131 tecr\u00fcbeleri de bu hakikatin istisnas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Sel\u00e7uklu\u2019da Sultan Melik\u015fah devrinde Niz\u00e2m\u00fclm\u00fclk\u2019\u00fcn \u201cSiyasetname\u201dsinde \u00e7izdi\u011fi adalet merkezli y\u00f6netim anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 sayesinde devlet zirveye ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f; sonras\u0131nda saray entrikalar\u0131, Fars hayranl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve adaletsiz uygulamalar artt\u0131k\u00e7a merkezi otorite \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Osmanl\u0131\u2019da \u00f6zellikle XVI. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ard\u0131ndan T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fc d\u0131\u015flama politikas\u0131(3) t\u0131mar sisteminin \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmesi, adaletin sars\u0131lmas\u0131 ve iltimas\u0131n artmas\u0131yla birlikte imparatorluk yava\u015f yava\u015f zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcm bu \u00f6rnekler, T\u00fcrk tarihinin her d\u00f6neminde yinelenen bir hakikati g\u00f6sterir: T\u00f6re ve kurucu kimlik zedelenirse, devlet temelsiz kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n
T\u00f6re ve kimlik devlet ruhunun besin kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00f6re yaln\u0131zca bir adalet ve hukuk d\u00fczeni de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrk kimli\u011finin ve mill\u00ee benli\u011fin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Devletin bekas\u0131, ordunun b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde veya hazinenin zenginli\u011finde de\u011fil, adaletin tesisinde, t\u00f6renin muhafazas\u0131nda ve T\u00fcrk kimli\u011finin korunmas\u0131nda yatar. Sel\u00e7uklu\u2019da T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn siyas\u00ee ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ihmal edildi\u011finde halk ile devlet aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f, Osmanl\u0131\u2019da T\u00fcrk unsurunun geri plana itilmesi devletin dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal zemini sarsm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kimlik erozyonu, yaln\u0131zca asker\u00ee zafiyetten veya ekonomik \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015ften daha y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r; kimli\u011fini kaybeden devlet, ruhunu kaybeder ve tarih sahnesinden silinir.<\/p>\n
Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc sonras\u0131nda kurulan T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti, tarih\u00ee bir muhasebenin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Yeni devlet, yaln\u0131zca bir rejim de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda mill\u00ee kimli\u011fin ve t\u00f6renin yeniden dirili\u015fi olarak do\u011fmu\u015ftur. Mustafa Kemal Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u201cT\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti’ni kuran T\u00fcrkiye ahalisine T\u00fcrk Milleti denir.<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc, bu yeni d\u00fczenin felsef\u00ee temelini ortaya koyar. Cumhuriyet\u2019in kurulu\u015funda temel ilke, ulusun kendi kaderini tayin etmesi ve devleti kimli\u011finin bir tezah\u00fcr\u00fc olarak in\u015fa etmesidir. T\u00fcrkiye, klasik imparatorluklardan farkl\u0131 olarak ulus-devlet niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131r. Bu yap\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 milletin ortak kimli\u011finden al\u0131r; T\u00fcrk milleti, t\u00f6reyle yo\u011frulmu\u015f tarih\u00ee haf\u0131zas\u0131n\u0131 ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimli\u011fini devletin kurucu ilkelerine nak\u015fetmi\u015ftir. Ancak zaman zaman siyas\u00ee iktidarlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fulculuk veya k\u00fcreselle\u015fme gibi gerek\u00e7elerle T\u00fcrk kimli\u011fini geri plana itmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, devletin varl\u0131k nedenini sorgular h\u00e2le getirir. Ulus devletin temeli, bir etnik \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck de\u011fil, T\u00fcrk kimli\u011fi etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillenen ortak vatanda\u015fl\u0131k bilincidir. Bu temel zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, devletin \u00e7imentosu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n Modern \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n iktidarlar\u0131 i\u00e7in t\u00f6re kavram\u0131, belki eski \u00e7a\u011flarda oldu\u011fu gibi do\u011frudan bir y\u00f6netim ilkesi olarak zikredilmeyebilir; ancak \u00f6z\u00fc ayn\u0131d\u0131r. Hukuk devleti, anayasal d\u00fczen, kuvvetler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve insan haklar\u0131 gibi kavramlar, t\u00f6renin \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f izd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleridir. Hepsi, iktidar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlamak, adaleti sa\u011flamak ve halk\u0131n r\u0131zas\u0131na dayal\u0131 bir d\u00fczen kurmak amac\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r. Devleti y\u00f6netenlerin birincil g\u00f6revi, bu t\u00f6resel ve kimliksel omurgay\u0131 korumakt\u0131r. Aksi h\u00e2lde iktidar, me\u015fruiyetini kaybeder. Tarihte defalarca g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, halk\u0131n kimli\u011fini, tarihini ve de\u011ferlerini hor g\u00f6ren bir iktidar, k\u0131sa vadede varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilir; ancak uzun vadede \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015ften kurtulamaz. T\u00fcrk kimli\u011fini ayaklar alt\u0131na alan, tarih\u00ee \u015fuurunu paranteze alan her siyaset, kendi varl\u0131k zeminini dinamitlemektedir.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrk siyas\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin en eski ve en sars\u0131lmaz h\u00fckm\u00fc, \u00e7a\u011flar\u0131 a\u015fan bir hakikati hayk\u0131r\u0131r: T\u00f6reyi korumayan devlet y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131r. T\u00f6re, yaln\u0131zca adalet ve hukuk d\u00fczeninin ad\u0131 de\u011fildir; ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrk kimli\u011finin, mill\u00ee benli\u011fin ve tarih\u00ee haf\u0131zan\u0131n da ad\u0131d\u0131r. Sel\u00e7uklu bu kimlikten uzakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda y\u0131k\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, Osmanl\u0131 T\u00fcrk unsurunu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsedi\u011finde imparatorluk da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti ise kimli\u011fini ve t\u00f6resini yeniden hat\u0131rlayarak do\u011fmu\u015ftur. Bug\u00fcn de ayn\u0131 kaide ge\u00e7erlidir: Devletimiz, T\u00fcrk milletinin tarih\u00ee birikimi \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilmi\u015f bir ulus devlettir; e\u011fer kimli\u011finden ve t\u00f6resinden uzakla\u015f\u0131rsa, temelleri sars\u0131l\u0131r. Devleti y\u00f6netenler, tarih\u00ee tecr\u00fcbeyi hafife almamal\u0131; bu milletin t\u00f6resini, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc ve kimli\u011fini bir siyaset malzemesi de\u011fil, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n temeli olarak g\u00f6rmelidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc t\u00f6re ne bir partiye ne bir ideolojiye ne de bir d\u00f6neme aittir. T\u00f6re, b\u00fcy\u00fck T\u00fcrk milletinin ta kendisidir. Onu korumak, yaln\u0131z ge\u00e7mi\u015fe sadakat de\u011fil, gelece\u011fe bor\u00e7tur.<\/p>\n Sonu\u00e7 olarak, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu tarih\u00ee ve siyas\u00ee tecr\u00fcbenin s\u00fczgecinden \u00e7\u0131kan h\u00fck\u00fcm, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda da ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini korumaktad\u0131r: T\u00f6re giderse devlet de gider. T\u00fcrk kimli\u011fini, adaletini ve t\u00f6resini muhafaza eden bir iktidar ya\u015far; ondan y\u00fcz \u00e7evirenler ise tarih sahnesinden silinmeye mahk\u00fbmdur.<\/p>\n 1- Bu c\u00fcmle K\u00fcl Tigin abidesinin Do\u011fu cephesinde yer alan metnin giri\u015f c\u00fcmlesidir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye T\u00fcrk\u00e7esine aktar\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 \u201c\u00dcstte mavi g\u00f6k, altta ya\u011f\u0131z yer yarat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ikisi aras\u0131nda insano\u011flu yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f.\u201d \u015feklindedir.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n 2-Maniheizm, Hristiyanl\u0131k ve Budizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 dogmatik bir inan\u00e7 oldu\u011fundan ayn\u0131 zamanda bir ideolojidir. T\u00fcrk karakteri de\u015fifre edildi\u011finde kar\u015f\u0131n\u0131za kahraman, sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131, y\u00fcksek karakterli, proteinle beslenen, do\u011faya sayg\u0131 duyan \u00f6zelliklere sahip bir yap\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Lakin bu kimlikle Maniheizm ideolojisi birbirine uyu\u015fmamaktad\u0131r. Nitekim bu uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k ilgili d\u00f6nemdeki s\u0131n\u0131r kom\u015fumuz (Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7in.) Tang hanedan\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan Uygurlar\u0131n kendi devlet \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na g\u00f6re y\u00f6nlendirilmesine; sonradan da Uygur Devletinin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur.\u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n 3-Osmanl\u0131, kurulu\u015fundan yakla\u015f\u0131k 300 y\u0131l kadar sonra kurucu de\u011ferlerinden uzakla\u015fmaya, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 dincili\u011fe y\u00f6nelmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 dincilik politikas\u0131 M. Ulu\u011ftekin Y\u0131lmaz\u2019a g\u00f6re Osmanl\u0131\u2019y\u0131 T\u00fcrkl\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na itmi\u015ftir. Bu d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k sadece d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncede kalmam\u0131\u015f edebiyata ve siyasete sirayet etmi\u015ftir. S\u00f6z gelimi Divan-\u0131 H\u00fcmayun K\u00e2tibi Hamdi \u00c7elebi her m\u0131sras\u0131 \u201cBaban da olsa T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fc \u00f6ld\u00fcr!\u201d dizesiyle biten \u015fiirler yazm\u0131\u015f, devletin y\u00f6netimi b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle \u015eeyh-\u00fcl \u0130slamlara verilmi\u015f, Araplar kavmi necip olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, saraya \u201cKan d\u00f6kt\u00fck\u00e7e Allah\u2019a daha \u00e7ok yakla\u015f\u0131yorum.\u201d \u015feklinde \u00f6v\u00fcnen kuyu fantezili pa\u015falar al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu zihniyet sorunu T\u00fcrk t\u00f6resinden, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, y\u00fcce bir dil olan T\u00fcrk\u00e7eden uzakla\u015farak kimli\u011fini kaybeden Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u00a0 \u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" T\u00fcrk siyas\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin en eski ve en sars\u0131lmaz h\u00fckm\u00fc, \u00e7a\u011flar\u0131 a\u015fan bir hakikati hayk\u0131r\u0131r: T\u00f6reyi korumayan devlet y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":226,"featured_media":19623,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[449,259,1072,78,77,339,1820,156,2512,187],"yoast_head":"\n