{"id":5395,"date":"2019-01-18T19:30:00","date_gmt":"2019-01-18T16:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/misak.millidusunce.com\/?p=5395&preview=true&preview_id=5395"},"modified":"2019-01-18T16:57:07","modified_gmt":"2019-01-18T13:57:07","slug":"turkiyede-islamcilik-ve-gelenek","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/turkiyede-islamcilik-ve-gelenek\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ve gelenek"},"content":{"rendered":"

<\/h2>\n
\"\u0130slam\u2019\u0131n

\u0130slam\u2019\u0131n belli k\u00fclt\u00fcr merkezlerinde daha \u00f6nce yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n, hi\u00e7 yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f gibi, elde edilen deneyimlerin hi\u00e7 ya\u015fanmam\u0131\u015f gibi farkl\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde ve farkl\u0131 zaman dilimlerinde sil ba\u015ftan tekrar\u0131, izleyenlerde adeta bir dejavu hissi uyand\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p><\/div>\n

Giri\u015f<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Siyasal \u0130sl\u00e2m, son y\u0131llarda b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada giderek artan bir oranda tart\u0131\u015fma konusu yap\u0131l\u0131yor. \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019la ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 tabirlerle y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen bu tart\u0131\u015fmalarda kullan\u0131lan kavramsal dizin, s\u00fcrekli yenileriyle beslenip geni\u015flemektedir. \u0130ttihad-\u0131 \u0130slam (Panislamizm)<\/em> bu konuda eski bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fe sahip olsa da hala yayg\u0131n olarak kullan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Ku\u015fkusuz Siyasal \u0130slam, ideolojik \u0130slam, K\u00f6kdencilik (Fundementalizm), \u0130slami radikalizm\/ radikal \u0130slam\/ \u0130slami a\u015f\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k, Selefilik <\/em>ve benzerlerinden olu\u015fan bu t\u00fcr kavramlar aras\u0131nda anlam ve kapsam bak\u0131m\u0131ndan farkl\u0131l\u0131klar olmakla birlikte anlat\u0131mda kolayl\u0131k sa\u011flamas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan siyasi y\u00f6n\u00fc bulunan b\u00fct\u00fcn e\u011filimleri genel olarak \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k<\/em> (\u0130slamizm<\/em>) ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplayabiliriz.<\/p>\n

\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, kabul edilen yayg\u0131n bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re Sanayi ve Demokratik devrimleri arkas\u0131na alan Bat\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada kurmu\u015f olduklar\u0131 tahakk\u00fcme kar\u015f\u0131 \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131na \u00f6zg\u00fc kurtulu\u015f ve uyan\u0131\u015f hareketi olarak tan\u0131mlanmaktad\u0131r. Bu tahakk\u00fcme direni\u015f g\u00f6steren her bir merkez, kendi tarihi \u00e7izgisine uygun geleneksel \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda siyasile\u015fme y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. M\u0131s\u0131r, Rusya, \u0130ran, T\u00fcrkiye, Hindistan<\/em> gibi her bir b\u00f6lgede belli ortak \u00f6zellikleri olan bir siyasi \u0130sl\u00e2m<\/em> v\u00fccuda gelirken bunu ihtiyatla kar\u015f\u0131layan hatta sapk\u0131nl\u0131kla su\u00e7layarak \u015fiddetle kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan geleneksel yap\u0131lar bile siyasalla\u015fmaktan kendilerini alamam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar<\/strong><\/h2>\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f’\u0131n k\u0131yas\u0131ya devam etti\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde 1979\u2019da \u0130ran\u2019da meydana gelen devrim, \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n siyasal y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc t\u00fcm \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermi\u015f olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen \u0130sl\u00e2mc\u0131l\u0131kla ilgili bu t\u00fcr kavramla\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n daha \u00e7ok Sovyetlerin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 sonras\u0131nda h\u0131z kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu konuda Frans\u0131z siyaset bilimcilerin \u00f6nc\u00fc oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bunlardan biri olan Gilles Kepel<\/em>, \u0130slamizm (\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k)<\/em> tabirinin yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131nda etkili olmu\u015ftur.[1]<\/a> Di\u011fer isim Oliver Roy<\/em>, Siyasal \u0130slam<\/em> tabirini ilk kullananlardand\u0131r.[2]<\/a> Bu iki yazar\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlayan bir\u00e7ok yeni kavram\u0131 kullan\u0131ma sokmalar\u0131, biraz da kendi \u00fclkelerinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Bat\u0131da en kalabal\u0131k M\u00fcsl\u00fcman n\u00fcfusa sahip olmas\u0131 sebebiyle y\u00fckselen \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee dalgan\u0131n di\u011fer \u00fclkelerden daha fazla olarak Fransa\u2019n\u0131n i\u00e7 siyasetine tesir edecek olmas\u0131, bununla alakal\u0131 olsa gerektir. Oysa bizde bir tarz-\u0131 siyaset<\/em> olarak konuya \u00e7ok daha erken bir zamanda, 1904 y\u0131l\u0131nda ele alan Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura<\/em> olmu\u015ftur. Ancak onun \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kla ilgili k\u0131sa de\u011ferlendirmesi daha \u00e7ok T\u00fcrk siyasi hayat\u0131 i\u00e7in bir se\u00e7enek olmas\u0131 ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[3]<\/a> \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k \u00fczerine ilk ciddi akademik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler sosyolog Niyazi Berkes <\/em>ve anayasa hukuk\u00e7usu Tar\u0131k Zafer Tunaya <\/em>taraf\u0131ndan ortaya konmu\u015ftur. Berkes, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 anayasac\u0131 ak\u0131m i\u00e7erisinde ulus\u00e7uluk, Bat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ak\u0131m\u0131 ile birlikte zikreder. \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bi\u00e7imleni\u015f tarihi olarak 1871- 1876 s\u00fcrecini teklif eder.[4]<\/a> T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki \u00e7izgisinin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki siyasi y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc ele\u015ftirel bir de\u011ferlendirmeye tabi tutar. Tar\u0131k Zafer Tunaya da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki siyasi ak\u0131mlar ve partiler konusunda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yo\u011fun \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na ek olarak do\u011frudan \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa hasretti\u011fi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda onu II. Me\u015frutiyet\u2019in en \u00f6nemli siyas\u00ee ak\u0131mlar\u0131ndan biri olarak ele al\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, dinin uhrevi alan\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131karak d\u00fcnyevi alana etki edi\u015fi, iktidarlar\u0131 belirleme kabiliyeti ve nihai siyas\u00ee hedeflerini ele\u015ftirel bir g\u00f6zle anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.[5]<\/a> Bu konuyu Berkes ve Tunaya\u2019dan farkl\u0131 bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla ele alan Hilmi Ziya \u00dclken<\/em>, milli bir felsefe yaratmak kayg\u0131s\u0131yla, gelene\u011fin sosyolojik ve felsefi tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda, \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ile \u00e7ok yak\u0131ndan ilgilenmi\u015ftir. Arap ve T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda Afgan\u00ee<\/em> \u00e7izgisindeki yenile\u015fmeci \u0130slamc\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 modernist \u0130slamc\u0131lar<\/em> olarak tasnif eder.[6]<\/a> M\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca dinin siyasi y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc ahlak felsefesi ile dengelemek isteyen bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, Sabri \u00dclgener<\/em>\u2019in devam ettirdi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. O, Max Weber\u2019<\/em>in Protestan ahlak\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na uygun gelene\u011fin kalk\u0131nmac\u0131 bir iktisadi zihniyete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin yolunu aramaktayd\u0131.[7]<\/a> Yine bu \u00e7izginin takip\u00e7isi olarak bu konuda ciddi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalardan biri Erol G\u00fcng\u00f6r<\/em> taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak G\u00fcng\u00f6r, ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u00dclken ve \u00dclgener gelene\u011fine uymakla birlikte \u00f6zenle \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k tabirini kullanmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131narak konuyu daha \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve inan\u00e7 sorunu olarak ele alm\u0131\u015f, bu y\u00fczden bir birini tamamlayan iki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131ndan ilkine \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Meseleleri<\/em> ad\u0131n\u0131 verirken ikincisine de \u0130sl\u00e2m Tasavvufunun Meseleleri<\/em> ad\u0131n\u0131 uygun g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.[8]<\/a> Bu konuda do\u011frudan siyasi bir ak\u0131m olarak \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa de\u011finen zikredilmesi gereken bir di\u011fer \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma Sina Ak\u015fin dan\u0131\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda M\u00fcmtaz\u2019er T\u00fcrk\u00f6ne<\/em> taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan bir doktora tezidir.[9]<\/a> Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma Berkes\u2019in \u00f6nerdi\u011fi d\u00f6nemde \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u00f6zg\u00fc \u015fartlarda do\u011fu\u015funu ve geli\u015fimini ele almaktad\u0131r. Osmanl\u0131 siyasi tarihinde \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel birikime katk\u0131lar\u0131 ve kimlik yap\u0131c\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnden I. Me\u015frutiyet d\u00f6neminde siyasi bir araca d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc anlatan Kemal H. Karpat<\/em>\u2019\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131[10]<\/a> d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ak\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde yer alm\u0131\u015f \u015fah\u0131slar \u00fczerine yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f pek \u00e7ok biyografik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma vard\u0131r. Bunlar i\u00e7erisinde \u0130smail Kara<\/em>\u2019n\u0131n \u0130slamc\u0131 biyografilerini, onlar\u0131n se\u00e7me metinleriyle destekledi\u011fi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, \u0130slamc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin T\u00fcrkiye birikimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan dikkat \u00e7eken bir d\u00f6k\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koyar.[11]<\/a><\/p>\n

Gelene\u011fin bunal\u0131m\u0131<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Hat\u0131rlanaca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarihi bak\u0131m\u0131nda bir d\u00f6nem en \u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan konular\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda gelen i\u00e7tihat kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kapanmas\u0131 meselesi gelir ki bunun daha geni\u015f planda, felsefe ve kelam tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 da a\u015fan bir boyutu vard\u0131. Bu ba\u011flamda \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarihi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan iki e\u011filimin s\u00fcrekli bir biriyle rekabet halinde oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bunlardan ilki kitap, s\u00fcnnet, icma ve k\u0131yas<\/em> ile belirlenen Edille-i \u015eeriye<\/em>\u2019nin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca geni\u015fleterek nesnel ve d\u00fcnyevi bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tecr\u00fcbesine ula\u015fmak isteyen e\u011filimdir ki bunlar kendini daha \u00e7ok felsefe taraf\u0131nda ifade edebilmi\u015ftir. Bunlar k\u0131yas<\/em> yan\u0131nda ak\u0131l<\/em>\u0131 da devreye sokmak istemekteydiler. \u0130bn-i Sina, \u0130bn Tufeyl, \u0130bn-i R\u00fc\u015fd<\/em> gibi akl\u0131 i\u00e7tihad\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131na yerle\u015ftirmek isteyenler birinci kesimde yer alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Di\u011feri i\u00e7tihad\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 olan Edille-i \u015eer\u2019iye\u2019yi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca daraltmak isteyen, hatta Kur\u2019an\u2019\u0131 da lafzi manas\u0131yla anlamakla daha da s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 daraltan nakilci<\/em> bir e\u011filimdir. Burada i\u00e7tihad\u0131n birincil kayna\u011f\u0131 olan kitab\u0131n da do\u011frudan Tanr\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131fat\u0131 m\u0131 yoksa fiili mi oldu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 da bu e\u011filimlere g\u00f6re cevaplanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Akl\u0131 nakle \u00fcst\u00fcn g\u00f6ren Mutezile<\/em> gibi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 geni\u015fletmek isteyenler Kur\u2019an\u2019\u0131 Tanr\u0131n\u0131n fiili yani mahl\u00fbk olarak kabul etmi\u015flerdir. Bu temel kavramlar etraf\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan de\u011fi\u015fik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler, iki u\u00e7 aras\u0131nda yerle\u015fmi\u015ftir. E\u015fari<\/em> mezhebine mensup olan Gazali<\/em> ve ona yak\u0131n duran \u0130bn Teymiye<\/em> bu anlamda tasfiyeci e\u011filimlerin bir ucunu temsil eder. Bunlar\u0131n nakilci gelene\u011fin s\u00fcrekli m\u00fcracaat ettikleri \u015fahsiyetler olmas\u0131 buradan gelmektedir. Fatih devrinde kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za son defa \u00e7\u0131kabilen bu kelam- felsefe tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 o tarihten sonra Osmanl\u0131 \u00fclkesini gelmemecesine terk edecektir. Bursal\u0131 Hocaz\u00e2de<\/em> (\u00f6lm. 1488) ve Al\u00e2edd\u00ee T\u00fbs\u00ee<\/em> aras\u0131ndaki m\u00fcnazara yine de imparatorlu\u011fa ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi Osmanl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce hayat\u0131n\u0131n asgari d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce zenginli\u011fini g\u00f6sterir.[12]<\/a><\/p>\n

1517\u2019de M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131n fethiyle halifeli\u011fin Osmanl\u0131lara ge\u00e7i\u015fi etkin bir dini kurumun devral\u0131nmas\u0131 \u015feklinde olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Zaten Memluk sultanlar\u0131n\u0131n kuklas\u0131 durumundaki halifenin kutsal emanetleri devrederken Sultan Selim\u2019i kendisine halef tayin etmesi o d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in Osmanl\u0131 Padi\u015fah\u0131\u2019n\u0131n siyasi ve manevi g\u00fcc\u00fcne pek bir \u015fey katm\u0131\u015f de\u011fildi. Halifelik kutsal emanetlerin ve yerlerin koruyuculu\u011fu anlam\u0131nda adeta de\u011ferli bir t\u00fcrbedarl\u0131k seviyesine indirgenmi\u015f bulunuyordu. Osmanl\u0131 tarihlerinde halifeli\u011fin Sultan Selim taraf\u0131ndan al\u0131n\u0131\u015f\u0131 konusunun ge\u00e7i\u015ftirilmesi, halifeli\u011fin art\u0131k dini ve siyasi bir yetkeye sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6stergesiydi. Osmanl\u0131 ulemas\u0131 da hilafetin Kurey\u015f\u2019ten olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki bildik tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 atlayarak sorunu \u00e7etrefille\u015ftirmek yerine g\u00f6rmezden gelmeyi tercih etmi\u015ftir. \u015eiiler bir yana Araplar ve selefi ak\u0131mlar\u0131n Osmanl\u0131 sultanlar\u0131n\u0131 cari halifeler olarak g\u00f6rmedikleri bir d\u00f6nemde Atat\u00fcrk Halifeli\u011fi kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda bir di\u011fer ayr\u0131\u015fma alan\u0131 da tekke ve medrese<\/em> yani tasavvuf ve ilmiye<\/em> s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 aras\u0131nda kendini g\u00f6stermekteydi. Y\u00fczy\u0131llara yay\u0131lan bu tart\u0131\u015fma konusunda yine \u0130bn Teymiye\u2019yi tasavvufa muar\u0131z olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Gazali ise ehlile\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir tasavvufa s\u0131cak bakmaktad\u0131r. Burada kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kan temel kavram bidat<\/em> kavram\u0131d\u0131r. Dine sonrada girmi\u015f olan uygulamalar i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lan bu kavram, dinde tasfiyecilik (p\u00fcr\u00fctenizm) ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n en \u00e7ok kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir dayanak olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. Bu tabloyu tamamlayan di\u011fer bir husus ise Osmanl\u0131- Safevi<\/em> sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n y\u0131prat\u0131c\u0131 etkisi alt\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye T\u00fcrkistan\u2019dan Gazali <\/em>gelene\u011fine yaslanan ve E\u015farili\u011fi<\/em> esas alan yeni bir S\u00fcnni tasavvuf dalgas\u0131n\u0131n gelmesidir. Bu dalgan\u0131n merkezinde devletin deste\u011finde 16\u2019nc\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131l ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren gayri s\u00fcnni<\/em> tarikatlar\u0131 sindirerek Osmanl\u0131 manevi hayat\u0131n\u0131 derinden etkileyen Hacegan<\/em> diye adland\u0131r\u0131lan Nak\u015fibendi<\/em> tarikat\u0131 bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6nemde \u015eia<\/em> kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusunda \u00fcnlenmi\u015f T\u00fcrkistan\u2019dan \u00e7ok say\u0131da uleman\u0131n da Osmanl\u0131 \u00fclkesine gelmi\u015f oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.[13]<\/a> Buna iyi \u00f6rneklerden biri Mavera\u00fcnnehir<\/em> taraf\u0131ndan Rum<\/em>\u2019a hicret edip Antakya\u2019da yerle\u015fen \u00d6mer bin Hamza\u2019n\u0131n torunu Vaiz-i Arap<\/em> diye \u015f\u00f6hret kazanm\u0131\u015f olan Mehmed bin Hamza<\/em>\u2019d\u0131r. Bayezid ve Yavuz zaman\u0131nda \u00fcnlenen Vaiz-i Arap, Safevi- Osmanl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ortam\u0131nda tasavvuf kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 hareketin kuvvetli temsilcisi olmu\u015ftur. Balkanlardan Irak\u2019a kadar t\u00fcm Osmanl\u0131 \u00fclkesinde hatta kendi k\u00f6klerinin geldi\u011fi T\u00fcrkistan\u2019a kadar mutaass\u0131p S\u00fcnni hareketin \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc olan Vaiz-i Arap, 1531 y\u0131l\u0131nda Bursa\u2019da \u00f6lm\u00fc\u015f ve Ulu Cami<\/em> haziresinde g\u00f6m\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.[14]<\/a> Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te Tekke ve Medrese aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131\u015fma giderek medreseler lehine d\u00fczeltilmi\u015ftir. Dini olanla tarihi olan\u0131n ay\u0131rt edilmesi kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n yani bidatlerden kurtulma \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n, ters giden devlet ve d\u00fcnya i\u015flerini d\u00fczeltece\u011fine inan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu d\u00f6nem Osmanl\u0131 klasik d\u00fczeninin bozuldu\u011fu ve dindarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir d\u00f6nemdir. Bu d\u00f6nem ayn\u0131 zamanda bir yol boyu devleti olan Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n \u0130ran ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n rekabeti dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Karadeniz b\u00f6lgesinden ge\u00e7en tarihi \u0130pek yolu<\/em> yerine, K\u0131z\u0131ldeniz ve Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019den ge\u00e7en Baharat<\/em> yoluna \u00f6nem vermesini gerektiren bir dizi siyasi ve askeri harek\u00e2t\u0131 i\u00e7ine al\u0131r. Bu harek\u00e2t, ayn\u0131 zamanda Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n S\u00fcnni \u0130sl\u00e2m d\u00fcnyas\u0131na h\u00e2kimiyetini beraberinde getirmi\u015ftir. Safevi rekabeti ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7le birlikte Osmanl\u0131 ilmi ve siyasi hayat\u0131nda daha koyu bir S\u00fcnni taassubun y\u00fckselmesi ile sonu\u00e7lan bir fikri iklim yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zelde Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, daha geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7ekte ise Do\u011fu \u0130sl\u00e2m d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k sorununun bir vak\u0131a halini almas\u0131 genelde 16\u2019nc\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131l sonundan ba\u015flat\u0131l\u0131r. Osmanl\u0131 klasik d\u00fczeninin siyasi, iktisadi, askeri ve i\u00e7timai boyutta kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bunal\u0131m kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda d\u00fczeni yeniden kurmak kayg\u0131lar\u0131 ve d\u0131\u015f d\u00fcnyadaki de\u011fi\u015fimi tam olarak okuyamamaktan kaynaklanan eski usulde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131, Osmanl\u0131 g\u00fcndemini bir bu\u00e7uk as\u0131r kadar me\u015fgul etmi\u015ftir. 18. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonuna kadar Osmanl\u0131 ileri gelenleri ve ulemas\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan sorunlar\u0131 daha \u00e7ok Orta \u00e7a\u011flara ait fetih devleti anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na uygun olarak \u00e7\u00f6zmek istemi\u015flerdir. Ayr\u0131ca sorunun bir dindarla\u015fma sorunu olarak alg\u0131lanmas\u0131 dini tutuculu\u011fun hayat\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6nlerini etkisi alt\u0131na almas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1575 y\u0131l\u0131nda kurulmas\u0131 ile 1580 y\u0131l\u0131nda y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 bir olan Takiy\u00fcddin Rasathanesi<\/em> bu zihni daralmay\u0131 tarihlemek i\u00e7in simgesel bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131r. Bunal\u0131m\u0131 hisseden ve kendince te\u015fhis koyan yazar\u0131 bilinmeyen Kitab-\u0131 M\u00fcstet\u00e2b<\/em> ve Ko\u00e7i Bey Risalesi<\/em>\u2019nde \u015fiddetle \u015fik\u00e2yet edildi\u011fi gibi klasik Osmanl\u0131 d\u00fczeninin temeli olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen reaya ve askeri<\/em> ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilkesi ve padi\u015fah\u0131n mutlak vekili olarak y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin ba\u015f\u0131nda bulunan vezir-i azam<\/em>\u0131n y\u00f6netim \u00f6zerkli\u011fi \u00e7i\u011fnenmi\u015ftir. Bunun g\u00f6stergesi olan vezir-i azama ba\u011fl\u0131 Divan-\u0131 H\u00fcmayun<\/em> ve K\u00fcttab<\/em>\u2019\u0131n (b\u00fcrokrasinin) ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bu devirde ciddi surette ihlal edilmi\u015ftir. \u0130nalc\u0131k,<\/em> bunun ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 II. Selim\u2019in tahta \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla payitahta gelen yeni g\u00fcruhun vezir-i azam Sokullu<\/em>\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinde g\u00f6rmektedir. Bu \u015fekilde saray nedimleri, kap\u0131kulu zorbalar\u0131 ve ulema, idarenin devlet \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 ve yerle\u015fmi\u015f d\u00fczeni her \u015feyin \u00fcst\u00fcnde tutan geleneksel ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7i\u011fnemi\u015flerdir. B\u00f6ylece de imparatorluk idaresinin kadim\/klasik kanun ve nizamlar\u0131 bozulma\u011fa, ihlal edilme\u011fe ba\u015fland\u0131. Bunun en \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri miri topraklar\u0131n tekrar geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde m\u00fclk ve vak\u0131flar halinde devletin denetiminden ka\u00e7mas\u0131 \u015feklinde kendini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Yine uleman\u0131n \u00f6rfi kanunlar ve idare sahas\u0131na m\u00fcdahale giri\u015fimleri bu devirde giderek artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunun yolunu ise b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131 dini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerle \u00e7\u00f6zmeyi \u00f6ng\u00f6ren S\u00fcnni taassup hareketi a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Daha Kanuni devrinde \u015eeyh\u00fclislam Ebussud Efendi<\/em> \u00f6rfi kanunlar\u0131 ve idari tasarruflar\u0131 \u015fer\u2019ile\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 bu tutucu hareketin \u00f6nemli bir kazan\u0131m\u0131 idi. Ondan sonra eskiden yaln\u0131z \u00f6rfi kanun konusu olan meseleler gittik\u00e7e daha \u00e7ok fetvalar\u0131n konusu olma\u011fa ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 16\u2019nc\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131l sonundaki bunal\u0131m d\u00f6neminin ard\u0131ndan 1. Ahmed<\/em> devrinde (1603-1617) tedvin edilen kanun, daha ziyade fetvalarla dolu bir mecmua halini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Oysa Fatih ve Kanuni\u2019nin kanunnamelerinde tek bir fetvaya rastlanmamaktayd\u0131. Bu \u015feriat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k siyaseti, idarenin yeni durumlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda serbest faaliyetini k\u00f6steklemi\u015ftir.[15]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f (\u00f6lm.1573) \u00fcnl\u00fc Tak\u0131yy\u00fcddin Mehmed Birgiv\u00ee<\/em>, \u00d6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden y\u00fcz y\u0131l sonra da etkisini g\u00f6sterecek olan bidat kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 hareketin \u00f6nc\u00fclerinden olmu\u015ftur. O, ancak Gazali gibi medrese \u00e7izgisine \u00e7ekilmi\u015f bir tasavvufa ho\u015f bakmaktayd\u0131[16]<\/a>. Daha sonra 17. Y\u00fczy\u0131lda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacak olan Kad\u0131z\u00e2delilik<\/em> ak\u0131m\u0131 onun etkisinde kalm\u0131\u015f olsa da daha sert bir tasavvuf kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fctm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Kad\u0131zadelilik zaman zaman etkisini y\u00fckselterek 17\u2019nci Y\u00fczy\u0131l sonuna kadar etkin olmu\u015ftur. [17]<\/a> M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tasavvufi bir yolla benimsemi\u015f olan T\u00fcrkler i\u00e7in Kad\u0131zadelilik asl\u0131nda bir anlamda T\u00fcrk kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na da gelmekteydi.[18]<\/a> Kad\u0131zadelilik ile zirveye \u00e7\u0131kan bu tutucu dalgan\u0131n \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7lendi\u011fi zamanlar olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n \u00fclkenin b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00f6nemlerinde h\u00e2kim bir ak\u0131m olmas\u0131 da \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131lar\u0131n muhalefeti ile engellenmi\u015ftir. K\u00e2tip \u00c7elebi<\/em>, Osmanl\u0131\u2019da tutuculu\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 bir \u00e7izginin ve bilimsel zihniyetin simge isimlerindendir. Onun 1657 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ard\u0131ndan K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fcler devrinde 17\u2019nci y\u00fczy\u0131l sonuna kadar \u00fclke bu \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 \u00e7izgide d\u00fczenlemeler yapabilmi\u015ftir. Ancak bu d\u00fczenlemeler eski anlay\u0131\u015fa uygun devleti d\u00fczene sokma giri\u015fimleri olarak s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Tasavvufu en b\u00fcy\u00fck bidat olarak g\u00f6ren bir nevi yeni Teymiyecilik<\/em> olan ak\u0131mlar i\u00e7erisinde Kad\u0131zadelilik<\/em>\u2019ten sonra 18\u2019nci y\u00fczy\u0131lda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ikinci dalga Vehabilik<\/em>tir.[19]<\/a> Bunun do\u011fu\u015fu hem T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hem de M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc yenile\u015fme dalgas\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseldi\u011fi bir d\u00f6neme denk gelmesi, etkinli\u011finin s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir \u00e7\u00f6l b\u00f6lgesinde kalmas\u0131na sebep olmu\u015ftur. Ancak 20\u2019nci y\u00fczy\u0131ldan sonra Suudi Arabistan ve K\u00f6rfez sermayesinin deste\u011fi ile selefi radikalizmini besleyen zemin olmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kendinden s\u00f6z ettirmektedir. Bu ikincisi Arap bedevi ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imine uygun bir co\u011frafyada ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n birincisinin geli\u015fkin ve \u00e7ok k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc Osmanl\u0131 merkezinde v\u00fccut bulmas\u0131 tuhaft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fu: Tarihi arka y\u00fcz<\/strong><\/h2>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f fikir yelpazesinin olu\u015fum tarihinin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 olarak K\u0131r\u0131m\u2019\u0131n kayb\u0131n\u0131 alabiliriz. 18\u2019nci Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonunda K\u0131r\u0131m\u2019\u0131n kayb\u0131 bu eski anlay\u0131\u015fa uygun \u0131slahatlar\u0131n art\u0131k i\u015fe yaramayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dayatmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan yenile\u015fme ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarihimizde simgesel bir yere sahiptir. Bu kay\u0131p, siyasi tarihimizden daha \u00e7ok T\u00fcrk \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce hayat\u0131 i\u00e7in bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 olmu\u015f, Rusya olgusunu da de\u011fi\u015fimi zorlayan bir etkene d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Orta\u00e7a\u011flara ait fetih imparatorluklar\u0131 olmalar\u0131 hasebiyle Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu ile benzer \u00f6zellikler ta\u015f\u0131yan Rus \u00c7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131’nda Bat\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fim ritmi daha erken alg\u0131lanm\u0131\u015f ve daha k\u00f6kl\u00fc yenilikler kararl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde hayata ge\u00e7irilmi\u015ftir. Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n y\u00fckselen Bat\u0131 kapitalizmi ile kurmu\u015f olduklar\u0131 ili\u015fki giderek dengesiz\/asimetrik bir mahiyet ta\u015f\u0131rken Rusya\u2019n\u0131n kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fki ise daha dengeli\/simetrik bir \u00f6zellik kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Petro<\/em> reformlar\u0131n\u0131n has\u0131lat\u0131n\u0131, II. Katerina<\/em> zaman\u0131nda toplayan Rusya, ilki 1768-1774, ikincisi 1782- 1792 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki y\u0131prat\u0131c\u0131 iki b\u00fcy\u00fck sava\u015f ile Osmanl\u0131 Devleti\u2019ne a\u011f\u0131r kay\u0131plar verdirmi\u015ftir. Sava\u015flar\u0131n sonunda imzalanan K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Kaynarca<\/em> ve Ya\u015f<\/em> antla\u015fmalar\u0131 ile Osmanl\u0131 sultan\u0131 mem\u00e2lik-i mahrusa-i \u015fahane<\/em>sinden K\u0131r\u0131m<\/em>\u2019\u0131 Rusya\u2019ya b\u0131rakmak zorunda kald\u0131. K\u0131r\u0131m\u2019\u0131n kayb\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 siyasi ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce hayat\u0131nda daha sonra Balkanlar\u0131n kayb\u0131ndakine benzer bir sars\u0131c\u0131 etki uyand\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece bo\u011fazlara kadar giden eski Vareg yolu<\/em> Ruslara a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunuyordu. Bu, Osmanl\u0131 Devleti i\u00e7in \u201cbek\u00e2<\/em>\u201d sorunuydu. Orta\u00e7a\u011f\u2019a ait bir fetih imparatorlu\u011fu olan Osmanl\u0131 Devleti\u2019nin daha \u00f6nce eski d\u00fczene uygun \u0131slahat \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131k i\u015fe yaramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kesinle\u015fmi\u015f, delilik olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri Petro yenile\u015fmesinin yoluna girmek zorunda kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.[20]<\/a> Bu sars\u0131c\u0131 d\u00f6nemin \u00fc\u00e7 h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131ndan sonuncusu III. Selim<\/em> ve halefleri II. Mahmut <\/em>ve I. Abd\u00fclmecit<\/em> yenile\u015fmenin kararl\u0131 temsilcileri oldular. 1861\u2019e kadar devam eden, Tanzimat ve Islahat<\/em> fermanlar\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7eren bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 insiyaki olarak geli\u015fen, Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma ve Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin fikri ve siyasi zeminini olu\u015fturacakt\u0131r. Yine K\u0131r\u0131m\u2019\u0131n kayb\u0131na neden olan K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Kaynarca Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda K\u0131r\u0131m M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n dini bak\u0131mdan hilafet makam\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 kalacaklar\u0131na dair h\u00fck\u00fcm, Osmanl\u0131 sultanlar\u0131n\u0131n maddi kay\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131 hafifleten bir manevi tatmin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi manevi n\u00fcfuzunu siyasi g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebilece\u011finin de ilham\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015ftir. Ancak ayn\u0131 antla\u015fma Ortodokslu\u011fu da ebediyen Rusya\u2019n\u0131n korumas\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131yor olmas\u0131, ikilemini b\u00fcnyesinde ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Bu durum, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak Osmanl\u0131 Sultanlar\u0131na Panislamizm<\/em>, Rus \u00e7arlar\u0131na Panortodoks-Panslavizm<\/em> silah\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015ftir. Ancak birincisi da\u011f\u0131lan bir \u00fclkenin, ikincisi ise geni\u015fleyen bir \u00fclkenin siyasi ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak bir di\u011ferinden ayr\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bu, T\u00fcrk ve Rus yenile\u015fme ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n karakteri i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erli bir durumdur. Elbette iki \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131\u015fma bununla da s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildir. \u00d6zellikle 1838 Balta Liman\u0131 Antla\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>yla kendini g\u00f6steren Osmanl\u0131 pazar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckselen k\u00fcresel kapitalizme teslim olmas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanan iktisadi zafiyeti y\u00f6n\u00fcyle de Osmanl\u0131 yenile\u015fme \u00e7abalar\u0131, Rusya\u2019n\u0131nkinden ayr\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n sars\u0131lan egemenliklerini b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn y\u0131k\u0131lmaktan koruyabilmek i\u00e7in giri\u015ftikleri bu zoraki yenile\u015fme \u00e7abalar\u0131, s\u00f6z konusu zafiyetleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sebebiyle de hemen kendine sert ve tutucu bir muhalefet yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu muhalefetin i\u00e7inden bir k\u0131sm\u0131, kuvvetli bir \u015fekilde dine yani \u0130sl\u00e2miyet\u2019e dayanarak saltanat\u0131n kurtulabilece\u011fine dair bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi savunmu\u015f, bu da daha sonra \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k diyece\u011fimiz siyasi ak\u0131m\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin g\u00fcndemine getirmi\u015ftir. Sultan Abd\u00fclaziz<\/em> d\u00f6neminde bi\u00e7imlenen \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, II.<\/em> Abd\u00fclhamit<\/em> d\u00f6neminde daha \u00e7ok i\u00e7 siyaseti etkilemek amac\u0131yla kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[21]<\/a> Bu \u015fekilde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u0130slamc\u0131 ak\u0131m tepkisellik y\u00f6n\u00fc a\u011f\u0131r basan kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri b\u00fcnyesinde bar\u0131nd\u0131ran bir mahiyet ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Yenile\u015fmeye kar\u015f\u0131 tutuculardan, yenilik\u00e7ilere kadar, farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler bu d\u00f6nem \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u015femsiyesi alt\u0131na toplanm\u0131\u015f bulunuyordu. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle Do\u011fu ve Bat\u0131 aras\u0131nda s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir vaziyetteki T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin di\u011fer d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131mlar\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 da ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir \u015fekilde eklektik bir i\u00e7eri\u011fe sahiptir.<\/p>\n

Gizemli bir \u00f6zge\u00e7mi\u015f: Cemaleddin Afgan\u00ee<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Bu d\u00f6nemde, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan kurucu ismi olarak sunulan Cemaleddin Afgan\u00ee<\/em>\u2019nin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve etkisi \u00fczerinde durmak gereklidir. \u0130ran\u2019da Esedabad\u00ee<\/em>, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Fransa\u2019da Afgan\u00ee<\/em>, Afganistan\u2019da Rum\u00ee ve \u0130stanbul\u00ee<\/em> gibi farkl\u0131 k\u00f6kenlerle ve mezheplerle kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kan Afgan\u00ee, s\u00fcrekli kendisine yeni kimlik olu\u015fturan, giz perdesine b\u00fcr\u00fcnen \u00f6zge\u00e7mi\u015fine ra\u011fmen \u015f\u00f6hret kazanm\u0131\u015f, bu d\u00f6nemde \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kla gelene\u011fin ilk ciddi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Asl\u0131nda onun ate\u015fledi\u011fi, \u0130sl\u00e2m Orta zaman\u0131na ait olan ve Gazali\u2019nin felsefeyi tutars\u0131zl\u0131kla su\u00e7layarak kendince \u00fczerini \u00f6rtt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc eski Kelam- Felsefe<\/em> \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131[22]<\/a> diriltmekten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f bilimlerin girmesi i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck emeklerle kurulan Dar\u00fclf\u00fcnun<\/em>\u2019un a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce \u0130stanbul\u2019a gelen Cemaleddin Afgan\u00ee, 1871 y\u0131l\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f t\u00f6reninde irat etti\u011fi nutku ile gelenek\u00e7i \u00e7evrelerin s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc \u015eeyh\u00fclislam\u2019\u0131n tepkisini \u00e7ekmi\u015f ve ya\u015fanan m\u00fcnazaralar sonras\u0131nda Dar\u00fclf\u00fcnun\u2019un kapanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin nutkunda peygamberli\u011fi bir sanatk\u00e2rl\u0131k gibi g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi ve bilimin vahiyden \u00fcst\u00fcn olabilece\u011fini s\u00f6yledi\u011fi iddia edilmi\u015ftir. Bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, \u015feyhin b\u00fcy\u00fck iddialarla geldi\u011fi \u0130stanbul\u2019dan da s\u00fcr\u00fclmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Gelene\u011fin \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu bu \u015fehirde, esas hedefe konulan Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinden daha \u00e7ok, Berkes\u2019in \u00e7ok hakl\u0131 olarak belirtti\u011fi gibi, 18\u2019nci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmekte olan yenile\u015fme \u00e7izgisi ile bunun simgesi olan Dar\u00fclf\u00fcnun yani \u00fcniversite idi.[23]<\/a><\/p>\n

\"Ak\u00e7ura,

Ak\u00e7ura, Afgan\u00ee\u2019yi \u201cAsya\u2019n\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda zuhur edip b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130sl\u00e2m \u00e2lemine fikri tesiri dokunan bir zat\u201d olarak tavsif eder.<\/p><\/div>\n

Gerek Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin \u0130stanbul\u2019da yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n niceli\u011fi ve gerekse \u015fehirden gitmek zorunda kal\u0131\u015f\u0131, T\u00fcrk-\u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarihinde yukar\u0131da de\u011finilen Fatih<\/em>\u2019in huzurunda ya\u015fanan Hocazade ile Tusi<\/em> aras\u0131ndaki kelam-felsefe tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlatmaktad\u0131r. Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n modern d\u00fcnyadaki yerini ve \u0130sl\u00e2m toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n gelece\u011fini daha \u00e7ok sezgisel olarak do\u011fru \u00f6ng\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. O, yenile\u015fmek i\u00e7in ulusa dayanan yeni dayan\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir toplumsal bilin\u00e7 yaratman\u0131n gere\u011fini anlam\u0131\u015f, bunun i\u00e7in de \u0130slam toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n ulusla\u015fmas\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcndeki arkaik dini yap\u0131lar\u0131n engellerini a\u015fmalar\u0131na yard\u0131m edecek yararl\u0131 bir yorum geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Ayr\u0131ca \u0130slam uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n dura\u011fanla\u015fmas\u0131na, zihnen daralmaya ve felsefeden yani bilimsel zihniyetten kopmas\u0131na neden olan i\u00e7tihat kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n kapanmas\u0131 konusunu yeniden g\u00fcndeme getirmi\u015ftir. Kendi \u015eii mezhebi k\u00f6kleri sebebiyle felsefe- kelam tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n biliniyor oldu\u011fu bir \u00e7evreden geliyor olmas\u0131 yan\u0131nda, yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 uzun seyahatler sayesinde \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131 ile Bat\u0131y\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rabilecek g\u00f6zlemlere sahip olmas\u0131 onun yenile\u015fme yolunda \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131r a\u00e7\u0131c\u0131 bir ki\u015fi olmas\u0131na imk\u00e2n vermi\u015ftir diyebiliriz. O, Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u0130sl\u00e2m d\u00fcnyas\u0131na do\u011frudan m\u00fcdahaleleri sonucunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan b\u00fcy\u00fck sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in dini akidelerin serbest\u00e7e yorumlanabilmesini savunan \u00f6nc\u00fclerden birisi idi.[24]<\/a> Onun bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, \u00fczeri \u00f6rt\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f eski tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 yeniden alevlendirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin \u0130sl\u00e2m d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n Bat\u0131 tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan deh\u015fetli sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmek i\u00e7in dinin temel inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden yorumlamak gere\u011fi \u00fczerinde durmas\u0131 onu yenile\u015fmeci\/ modernist bir \u00e7izgiye yerle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fc ile Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin etkisinde geli\u015fen ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki t\u00fcm yenilik\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin ilgisini \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. \u00d6zellikle saf gelenek\u00e7ili\u011fe topyek\u00fbn bir itiraz yan\u0131nda, Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n do\u011frudan taklit edilmesini de reddederek \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f d\u00fcnyada ya\u015fayabilmesi i\u00e7in dini uygulanabilir bir bi\u00e7ime sokmak kayg\u0131s\u0131 duyan b\u00fct\u00fcn kesimler bu ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kla bir \u015fekilde ba\u011f kurmu\u015f oldular. Bu bak\u0131mdan bu ak\u0131m\u0131n, T\u00fcrk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce hayat\u0131n\u0131n evrimsel \u00e7izgisinde \u00f6zellikle \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin erken evresi olarak b\u00fcy\u00fck de\u011feri vard\u0131r. Bu durum, di\u011fer \u0130slam \u00fclkeleri i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. \u0130ran \u0130slam Devrimi temsilcileri, S\u00fcnni d\u00fcnyada devrimi yayabilmek i\u00e7in Afgani\u2019nin bu y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kendileri i\u00e7in uygun bir f\u0131rsat olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Arap d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce hayat\u0131n\u0131n siyasi gayeler g\u00fcden b\u00fct\u00fcn kesimleri, \u0130sl\u00e2m \u00fclkelerinin askeri ve siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gereken ak\u0131lc\u0131l\u0131k yan\u0131nda \u015fiddet hareketlerini de bu hedeflerine ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in bir ara\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6recek faydac\u0131l\u0131\u011fa bu yolla kolayca ula\u015fabildiler. Ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131lar da dini hayatta yapmay\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fledikleri \u0131slahatlar i\u00e7in daha \u00f6nceki Yeni Teymiyeci<\/em> ak\u0131mlar\u0131n yolundan giderek iki kolay silah\u0131 kulland\u0131lar. Bunlardan ilki zaten de\u011fi\u015fen \u015fartlar sebebiyle bir hayli h\u0131rpalanm\u0131\u015f olan tasavvufa kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k idi. Di\u011feri de yine t\u00fcm kurulu d\u00fczenin gelene\u011fin engelini d\u0131\u015farda b\u0131rakmak i\u00e7in yeni Teymiyecili\u011fin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bidatlere sava\u015f ilan etmek oldu.<\/p>\n

Afgan\u00ee hakk\u0131nda en kapsaml\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n sahibi olan Nikki Keddie, Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirirken onun Panislamizmi\u2019ni milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin ilkel bi\u00e7imi olarak de\u011ferlendirir[25]<\/a>. Buna g\u00f6re Afgan\u00ee \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, geleneksel \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019la \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f milliyet\u00e7ilik aras\u0131nda bir ge\u00e7i\u015f istasyonu oldu\u011fu, b\u00f6ylelikle geleneksel toplum yap\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f toplum yap\u0131s\u0131na evrilmenin fikri y\u00f6nlendirmesini yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n

M\u0131s\u0131r \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ulus\u00e7ulu\u011fu Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin reformist diye tan\u0131mlanan ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131<\/em> \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda etkilenmi\u015ftir. M\u0131s\u0131r ve di\u011fer Arap \u00fclkelerindeki ulus\u00e7uluk ak\u0131mlar\u0131 ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131\/reformist \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kla fazlas\u0131yla i\u00e7 i\u00e7edir. Zira \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n inti\u015far \u00e7a\u011f\u0131, Arap ulus\u00e7ulu\u011funun in\u015fas\u0131nda alt\u0131n \u00e7a\u011f olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Kimi Hristiyan Arap milliyet\u00e7ileri dahi \u0130slam uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bir Arap uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri i\u00e7in benimsemi\u015flerdir. Ayr\u0131ca M\u0131s\u0131r ulus\u00e7ulu\u011funun vatan\u0131 esas alan \u00fclkesel\/ teritoryal karakteri, ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, ulus\u00e7ulukla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektedir. Ancak Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin daha \u00e7ok faydac\u0131 \/uygulamaya d\u00f6n\u00fck yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131, di\u011fer bulundu\u011fu b\u00f6lgelerde savundu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri aras\u0131nda tutars\u0131zl\u0131klar yaratmaktad\u0131r. Ancak Afgan\u00ee i\u00e7in esas olan ama\u00e7t\u0131r. O her \u0130slam toplumunun ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 milli geli\u015fimini savunmaktayd\u0131. O sebeple T\u00fcrkiye ve Rusya\u2019da T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc \u00e7evrelerle, M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da Arap milliyet\u00e7ileri ile temas halinde oldu. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00e2limlerin ilk g\u00f6revinin kendi dillerinin yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak olu\u011funu belirterek Mehmet Emin Yurdakul\u2019un T\u00fcrk\u00e7e yazmas\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fvik etmi\u015ftir. Onun hem Ak\u00e7ura taraf\u0131ndan T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn tarihinde, hem de Arap d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarihinde yerini bulmas\u0131[26]<\/a> bu y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6stergesidir. Ayr\u0131ca Rusya M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131ndan R\u0131z\u00e2eddin Fahreddin onunla ilgili bir biyografi kaleme alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin 1883\u2019te, tilmizi Muhammed Abduh<\/em> ile birlikte Paris\u2019te \u00e7\u0131karmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Urvet\u00fc\u2019l-Vuska<\/em>, adl\u0131 gazete \u0130sl\u00e2m birli\u011fi fikrini yaymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ilk yay\u0131n organ\u0131 olmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca \u201cAllah\u2019\u0131n muhkem ipi<\/em>\u201d anlam\u0131na gazetesinin ad\u0131n\u0131n halifeli\u011fi i\u015faret ediyor olu\u015fu halifeli\u011fi ittihad-\u0131 \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 siyasi arac\u0131 olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmesine de imk\u00e2n sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[27]<\/a> Ancak bu arac\u0131 kendi lehine kullanabilecek esas g\u00fc\u00e7, Osmanl\u0131 Devleti de\u011fildi. O d\u00f6nemde S\u00fcvey\u015f Kanal\u0131<\/em> konusunda ve M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019daki \u0130ngiliz i\u015fgali sebebiyle \u0130ngiltere ile anla\u015fmazl\u0131k ya\u015fayan Fransa, bunun i\u00e7in daha istekli idi. Sudan\u2019daki Mehdi hareketinde oldu\u011fu gibi Fransa, bu d\u00f6nemde \u0130ngiltere \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 hareketlere deste\u011fini esirgemiyordu.\u00a0 Panislamizm fikri daha sonra da Kayzer II. Wilhelm<\/em> i\u00e7in de benzer fikirler ilham edecektir.<\/p>\n

Ak\u00e7ura, ittihad- \u0130slam<\/em> fikri ile milliyet\u00e7ilik fikrinin do\u011fu\u015funu bir biriyle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Osmanl\u0131 T\u00fcrklerinin 18\u2019nci y\u00fczy\u0131ldan ba\u015flayarak sars\u0131lan egemenliklerinin b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn y\u0131k\u0131lmaktan koruyabilmek i\u00e7in ortaya koyduklar\u0131 Tanzimat ile yaratmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 milliyeti ihdas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olamamas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan baz\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin ya dine yani \u0130sl\u00e2miyet\u2019e ya da T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011fe yani nesnel bir milliyete dayanarak maksatlar\u0131n\u0131 elde edebileceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015flerdir. Bununla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak Ak\u00e7ura, Afgan\u00ee\u2019yi \u201cAsya\u2019n\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda zuhur edip b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130sl\u00e2m \u00e2lemine fikri tesiri dokunan bir zat<\/em>\u201d olarak tavsif eder.\u00a0 Ayn\u0131 zamanda M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 koruma yolunda daha geni\u015f ve umumi taleplerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek en \u00f6nemli vas\u0131ta olarak milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden bahisle ona T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn tarihinde yer vermi\u015ftir. Oysa bu konuda mesai arkada\u015f\u0131 Abd\u00fcre\u015fid \u0130brahim<\/em>\u2019e yer vermemi\u015f olmas\u0131 ilgin\u00e7tir.[28]<\/a> T\u00fcrk Yurdu\u2019nda Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin hem terc\u00fcme-i h\u00e2lini, hem de onun Hindistan\u2019da Makalat-\u0131 Cemaliye<\/em> ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 Fars\u00e7a yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f makaleleri i\u00e7erisinden, \u201cVahdet-i Cinsiye (Irkiye) Felsefesi<\/em> ve \u0130ttihad-\u0131 Lisan\u0131n Mahiyet-i Hakikiyesi<\/em>\u201d k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 Mehmet Emin Resulzade<\/em>\u2019nin terc\u00fcmesi ile yay\u0131nlatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[29]<\/a>Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e2lem-i \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n ya\u015fayabilmesi i\u00e7in M\u00fcsl\u00fcman milletlerin, milli \u015fuura sahip olmalar\u0131 l\u00fczumuna kaildir.\u201d<\/em> s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc al\u0131nt\u0131layan Ak\u00e7ura, onunla ilgili \u201cBat\u0131 T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde oldu\u011fu kadar Kuzey T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde dahi milliyet fikrinin inki\u015faf\u0131na hizmet etmi\u015ftir<\/em>\u201d h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fc verir. Onun T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin geli\u015fmesine etki etmesi T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fclerle kurmu\u015f oldu\u011fu yak\u0131nl\u0131k ve \u00f6zellikle \u015fair Mehmed Emin Yurdakul<\/em>\u2019un d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerine etkisini g\u00f6sterir. Ancak, Afgan\u00ee, yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda Osmanl\u0131 sultanlar\u0131n\u0131, mesela Fatih ve Yavuz\u2019u Arap\u00e7ay\u0131 resmi dil yapmad\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7i ele\u015ftirmekten de geri durmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu yukar\u0131da de\u011findi\u011fimiz onun tutars\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131ndand\u0131r. Afgan\u00ee\u2019nin adem-i merkeziyet\u00e7i ve me\u015frutiyet\u00e7i fikirleri Abdulhamid\u2019i rahats\u0131z etmi\u015f, \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fc 1897 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130stanbul\u2019da g\u00f6zetim alt\u0131nda tamamlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015fin ilgin\u00e7 yan\u0131, 1944 y\u0131l\u0131nda onu ulusal bir kimlik g\u00f6ren Afgan h\u00fckumetinin talebi \u00fczerine kemikleri Kabil \u00fcniversitesinde yap\u0131lan an\u0131t mezara nakledilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Bir \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma sorunu<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin i\u00e7erisinde eriyerek geli\u015fiminin tamamlamas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcler ile \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n yolu bu d\u00f6nemde ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu sonlanma Mehmet Akif<\/em> gibi bu ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc temsilcisinin idaresinde \u00e7\u0131kan Sebil\u00fcrre\u015fad<\/em> dergisinin yenilik\u00e7i \u00e7izgisini b\u0131rakarak gelenek\u00e7i bir mahiyet kazanmas\u0131 ile \u00fcst noktaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcler, kendi dini anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 ve siyasetlerini olu\u015ftururken ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n miras\u0131ndan \u00e7ok istifade ettiler. Bunlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, Ziya G\u00f6kalp, Mehmet Emin Yurdakul, Ahmet A\u011fao\u011flu, H\u00fcseyinzade Ali Bey<\/em> gibi T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcler gelmektedir. \u00d6zellikle Halka Do\u011fru<\/em> ve T\u00fcrk Yurdu<\/em> mecmualar\u0131ndaki dini muhteval\u0131 yaz\u0131larda veya yine T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fclerin \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130sl\u00e2m<\/em> Mecmuas\u0131<\/em>\u2019n\u0131n yay\u0131n \u00e7izgisinde bunu fazlas\u0131yla g\u00f6sterdiler. Mecmuan\u0131n \u015fiar\u0131 \u201chayatl\u0131 din, dinli hayat\u201d<\/em> \u015feklinde ifade edilmi\u015fti. Bu ifade, Akif\u2019in \u201cdo\u011frudan Kur\u2019an\u2019dan al\u0131p ilham\u0131\/ asr\u0131n idrakine s\u00f6yletmeliyiz \u0130slam\u2019\u0131\u201d<\/em> dizeleriyle fikri bak\u0131mdan uyu\u015fmaktayd\u0131. Daha da \u00f6te Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131nda yine bu \u00e7izginin izlerini g\u00f6rmekteyiz.<\/p>\n

Rusya M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 ise kendi seyrinde giden ve \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7izgisine sahip olmu\u015flard\u0131r. Rusya\u2019n\u0131n mahk\u00fbm uyruklar\u0131 olan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman T\u00fcrkler, uzun y\u00fczy\u0131llar i\u00e7erisinde toplumsal piramidin en alt basama\u011f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015flerdi. Bu y\u00fczden onlar\u0131n yenile\u015fme ihtiyac\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131fsal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan bir ak\u0131m olmu\u015ftur. \u0130sl\u00e2m, onlar i\u00e7in egemen Hristiyan Rus toplumu kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kimliklerini koruyan bir fanus h\u00fcviyeti g\u00f6rmekteydi. Onlar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, hem dini yenile\u015fme hem de milli uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131n yolunu a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yenile\u015fmenin \u00f6nc\u00fclerinden olan Abd\u00fcnnas\u00eer Kursav\u00ee<\/em> (1775-1812), T\u00fcrkiye d\u00e2hil geri kalan \u0130sl\u00e2m d\u00fcnyas\u0131 ile k\u0131yasland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda erken say\u0131lacak bir zamanda, o vakit ulema aras\u0131nda h\u00e2kim konumda bulunan E\u015f\u2019\u00e2r\u00ee<\/em> kelam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda M\u00e2tur\u00fbd\u00ee<\/em> anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na dayanan ve i\u00e7tihat kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7an sa\u011flam bir temel bulmu\u015ftur. \u015eehabeddin Mercan\u00ee<\/em> (1818-1889) ise \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na mill\u00ee uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131 temin edecek bir mahiyet kazand\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Cedit\u00e7ilik olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan bu yenile\u015fme ak\u0131m\u0131, en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortak milli bir uyan\u0131\u015f haline getiren \u0130smail Gasp\u0131ral\u0131 ile elde etmi\u015ftir. Bu yenile\u015fme iklimi, \u0130slami d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da \u00e7ok ilerici bir muhit \u00f6zelli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131maktayd\u0131. Bunlardan R\u0131zaeddin Fahreddin <\/em>(1858-1936), Alimcan Barudi<\/em> (1857-1921) ve Musa Carullah Bigiev<\/em> (1875-1945) gibi din adamlar\u0131 gelenekle \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f d\u00fcnya aras\u0131nda sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir yol g\u00f6stermi\u015flerdir.[30]<\/a> Abd\u00fcrre\u015fid \u0130brahim 81857-1944), ihyac\u0131 yani yenilik\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri, kab\u0131na s\u0131\u011fmayan ki\u015fili\u011fi ve seyy\u00e2hl\u0131kla ruhunu tatmin etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 derin tecess\u00fcs\u00fcyle dikkat \u00e7eker. Rus kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 siyasi gayesi yapm\u0131\u015f olan Abd\u00fcrre\u015fid,\u00a0 bu gaye i\u00e7in ise ittihad-\u0131 \u0130slam siyasetini \u00e7are olarak g\u00f6rmekteydi. Bu y\u00f6nleriyle onu Cemaleddin Efgan\u00ee<\/em> ile k\u0131yaslamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u0130dil-Ural b\u00f6lgesindeki Cedit\u00e7ilik<\/em> olarak da adland\u0131r\u0131lan bu ak\u0131m, \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden Kadimcilik<\/em> denen kar\u015f\u0131t hareketini yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Rusya M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda yenilik\u00e7ilikle gelenek\u00e7ili\u011fin sert m\u00fccadelesinde \u00e7o\u011fu kere Rus idaresi, Kadimcileri kendisine m\u00fcttefik se\u00e7mi\u015ftir. \u0130slam uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n arkaik halini koruma kayg\u0131s\u0131ndaki tutucu kesimler, \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fka b\u00f6lgelerinde de \u0130ngiltere, Fransa, \u00c7in gibi egemen g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00e7o\u011fu kere kollad\u0131klar\u0131 yap\u0131lar olmu\u015flard\u0131r. Rus idaresinin bask\u0131c\u0131 uygulamalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n yine de Rus ayd\u0131nlanmas\u0131n\u0131n Rusya M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n milli uyan\u0131\u015flar\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00f6nemli katk\u0131lar\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Bunu bug\u00fcn Orta Asya T\u00fcrk cumhuriyetlerini \u0130ran, Afganistan ve Orta Do\u011fudan ay\u0131ran laik devlet ve toplum tecr\u00fcbelerinde g\u00f6rebilmekteyiz. \u0130dil-Ural b\u00f6lgesine g\u00f6re daha laik karakterli yenile\u015fmeye sahip olan Azerbaycan\u2019da Ahundzade, H\u00fcseyin Zade Ali Bey, Hasan Ali Bey Zerdabi, Ali Merdan Top\u00e7\u0131ba\u015f\u0131ev, Ahmet A\u011fao\u011flu<\/em> gibi \u00f6nc\u00fc isimler ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131ktan milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe ge\u00e7i\u015fi temin etmi\u015flerdir. Rusya M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n yenile\u015fme \u00e7izgisinin T\u00fcrkiye ile yo\u011fun bir \u015fekilde etkile\u015fim i\u00e7erisinde olmas\u0131, \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furmu\u015f, T\u00fcrk \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fmas\u0131 <\/em>diyebilece\u011fimiz kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc ortak bir yenile\u015fme bi\u00e7imini yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ortak yenile\u015fme hareketi, insan haklar\u0131, kad\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fi, demokrasi ve \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f medeniyet konusunda \u00f6nc\u00fc bir rol \u00fcslenmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcyle \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda biricik bir konumdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00f6nce gelene\u011fin \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f d\u00fcnya kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00fcncellenmesinin yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak bir birikim olu\u015fturdu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Do\u011fal geli\u015fim \u00e7izgisinde bu birikim, t\u00fcm \u0130slam toplumlar\u0131nda \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f ulus devletlerin do\u011fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an bir ara d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bi\u00e7imi olarak de\u011ferlidir. Ancak bug\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kan haliyle \u0130slamc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce nicelik a\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131 ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f, yeniden arkaik bir mahiyet kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin b\u00f6lgesel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na diren\u00e7 g\u00f6sterecek ulusla\u015fm\u0131\u015f \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f olu\u015fumlar\u0131n tasfiyesi i\u00e7in rahatl\u0131kla kullan\u0131labilecek bir ayg\u0131ta d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sorunlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 K\u0131r\u0131m\u2019\u0131n kayb\u0131 \u00f6ncesindeki alg\u0131 ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ile \u00e7\u0131kan gelenekle- siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran yeni tutucu \u0130slamc\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f buradan beslenmektedir. Bunca artan soruna kar\u015f\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bile gerisine d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131 gariptir. Ayr\u0131ca \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n belli k\u00fclt\u00fcr merkezlerinde, daha \u00f6nce yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n, hi\u00e7 yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f gibi, elde edilen deneyimlerin hi\u00e7 ya\u015fanmam\u0131\u015f gibi farkl\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde ve farkl\u0131 zaman dilimlerinde sil ba\u015ftan tekrar\u0131, izleyenlerde adeta bir ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k\/dejavu<\/em> hissi uyand\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Belki mustarip insan ruhunun dinlerden beklentisi olan s\u00fck\u00fbnet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 baz\u0131 \u015feylerin ayn\u0131 kalmas\u0131n\u0131 telkin ediyor olabilir, ancak birikim ve tecr\u00fcbenin b\u00f6lgeler ve ku\u015faklar aras\u0131nda aktar\u0131lamamas\u0131ndan kaynaklanan \u0131st\u0131rap ve ac\u0131lar\u0131n yeniden ya\u015fanmas\u0131 ciddi bir bunal\u0131ma i\u015faret eder ki bu, \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin veya gelene\u011fin bunal\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

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[1]<\/a> Gilles Kepel, Le Proph\u00e8te et le Pharaon. Aux sources des mouvements islamistes<\/em>, Paris, Le Seuil, 1993. Peygamber ve Firavun, \u00c7ev. \u0130. Bendiderya, \u00c7izgi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 1992.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Oliver Roy, L’\u00e9chec de l’islam politique<\/em>, Le Seuil, Paris 1992. Eser dilimize 1994 y\u0131l\u0131nda Siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n \u0130flas\u0131<\/em>, ad\u0131yla kazand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7ev. C. Akala\u0131n, Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, \u00dc\u00e7 Tarz-\u0131 Siyaset<\/em>, haz. E. Ziya Karal, TTK Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, 1987.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Niyazi Berkes, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma<\/em>, Yay\u0131na haz\u0131rlayan Ahmet Kuya\u015f, YKY, \u0130stanbul, 2002, s. 248, 285.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Tar\u0131k Zafer Tunaya, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k Ak\u0131m\u0131<\/em>, \u0130stanbul Bilgi \u00dcniversitesi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2003.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Hilmi Ziya \u00dclken, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce Tarihi<\/em>, T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f Bankas\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2015, s. 396; \u0130sl\u00e2m D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi<\/em>, Do\u011fu Bat\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, 2015.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Sabri \u00dclgener, Zihniyet ve Din \u0130slam, Tasavvuf ve \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fclme Devri \u0130ktisat Ahlak\u0131<\/em>, Derin Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2006.<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Erol g\u00fcng\u00f6r, \u0130sl\u00e2m\u0131n Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Meseleleri<\/em>, \u00d6t\u00fcken Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 1981; \u0130sl\u00e2m Tasavufunun Meseleleri<\/em>, \u00d6t\u00fcken Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 1982.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> M\u00fcmtaz\u2019er T\u00fcrk\u00f6ne, Siyas\u00ee \u0130deoloji Olarak \u0130sl\u00e2mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n Do\u011fu\u015fu<\/em>, \u0130leiti\u015fm Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 1991.<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n Siyasalla\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>, \u0130stanbul Bilgi \u00dcniversitesi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2010.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> \u0130smail Kara, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi,<\/em> 2 cilt, Derg\u00e2h Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2011.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> Halil \u0130nalc\u0131k, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu Klasik \u00c7a\u011f (1300-1600)<\/em>, YKY, \u0130stanbul, 2005, s. 185; \u00d6mer Faruk Erdo\u011fan, Hocazade\u2019nin Felsefi Yazma Eserlerinin Terc\u00fcmesi ve Tahlili (893\/1488)<\/em>, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc, Y\u00fcksek Lisans Tezi, 2006.<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> Abdullah G\u00fcndo\u011fdu,\u00a0 \u201cT\u00fcrkistan\u2019da Osmanl\u0131-\u0130ran Rekabeti (1583-1598)\u201d,\u00a0Osmanl\u0131<\/em>, C. 1, Ankara: Yeni T\u00fcrkiye Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1999, s. 581-587.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> Bu konuda, \u015eakaik- Numaniye<\/em>\u2019deki bilgileri (s. 414) nakleden, \u0130brahim Ethem, Plevne Hat\u0131ralar\u0131<\/em>, Haz\u0131rlayan Seyfullah Esin, Terc\u00fcman 1001 Temel Eser, \u0130stanbul, 1979, s. 7-11.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> Halil \u0130nalc\u0131k, \u201cOsmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u201d, T\u00fcrk D\u00fcnyas\u0131 El Kitab\u0131<\/em>, T\u00fcrk K\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, 1992, s. 471.<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> Emrullah Y\u00fcksel, \u201cBirgiv\u00ee\u201d, TDV \u0130slam Ansiklopedisi<\/em>, Cilt 6, s. 191-194.<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> Semiramis \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu, \u201cKad\u0131z\u00e2deliler\u201d, TDV \u0130slam Ansiklopedisi<\/em>, Cilt 24, s. 102.<\/p>\n

[18]<\/a> Bu d\u00f6nemdeki medrese- tekke \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in bkz. Ali Fuat Bilkan, Fakihler ve Sofular\u0131n Kavgas\u0131- 17. Y\u00fczy\u0131lda Kad\u0131zadeliler ve Sivasiler<\/em>, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, \u0130stanbul, 2016.<\/p>\n

[19]<\/a> Mehmet Ali B\u00fcy\u00fckkara, \u201cVehh\u00e2b\u00eelik\u201d, TDV \u0130slam Ansiklopedisi<\/em>, Cilt 42, s. 611- 615.<\/p>\n

[20]<\/a> Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, Osmanl\u0131 Devletinin Da\u011f\u0131lma Devri<\/em>, TTK Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, 2010, s. 10 vd.<\/p>\n

[21]<\/a> Fran\u00e7ois Georgeon, Sultan Abdulhamid<\/em>, \u00c7ev. A. Berktay, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2015.<\/p>\n

[22]<\/a> G\u00fcrb\u00fcz Deniz, Kelam Felsefe Tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131<\/em>, Fecr Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, 2009.<\/p>\n

[23]<\/a> Berkes, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma<\/em>, s. 238- 243; Nikki Keddie, Cem\u00e2leddin Efg\u00e2n\u00ee siyas\u00ee Hayat\u0131<\/em>, \u00c7ev. A. Yal\u00e7\u0131nkaya, Bedir Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 1997, s. 77- 98.<\/p>\n

[24]<\/a> Nikki Keddie, a.g.e.<\/em>, s. 21.<\/p>\n

[25]<\/a> Nikki Keddie, \u201cPan \u0130slam as Proto-Nationalizm\u201d, The Journal of Modern History, March 1969, Volume 41, No 1, pp. 17-28.<\/p>\n

[26]<\/a> Hamid \u0130nayet, Arap siyasi D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin Seyri<\/em>, \u00c7ev. H. K\u0131rlang\u0131\u00e7, Y\u00f6neli\u015f Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 1991, s. 95-132.<\/p>\n

[27]<\/a> Cemaleddin Afgan\u00ee, Muhammed Abduh, Urvetu\u2019l-Vuska, \u00c7eviri \u0130. Ayd\u0131n, Bir yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, \u0130stanbul, 1987.<\/p>\n

[28]<\/a> Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, T\u00fcrk Y\u0131l\u0131 1928<\/em>, Haz. A. Tekin, A. Z. \u0130zge\u00f6r, TTK yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, 2009, s. 346- 350.<\/p>\n

[29]<\/a> T\u00fcrk Yurdu<\/em>, Cilt 3, Say\u0131 26, Tutibay Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, 1999, s. 38- 42.<\/p>\n

[30]<\/a> Nadir Devlet, Rusya T\u00fcrklerinin Mill\u00ee M\u00fccadele Tarihi (1905-1917)<\/em> T\u00fcrk Tarih Kurumu Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, 1999, s. 11- 16.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k fikri, \u0130slam toplumlar\u0131nda \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f ulus devlet olu\u015fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n gerisine d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu da \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin kendilerine diren\u00e7 g\u00f6sterebilecek ulusal olu\u015fumlar\u0131 tasfiyesi i\u00e7in bir ayg\u0131ta d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":50,"featured_media":5420,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[61,2,66],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nT\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ve gelenek - M\u0130SAK- Mill\u00ee Strateji Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Kurulu<\/title>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/turkiyede-islamcilik-ve-gelenek\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ve gelenek - M\u0130SAK- Mill\u00ee Strateji Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Kurulu\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k fikri, \u0130slam toplumlar\u0131nda \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f ulus devlet olu\u015fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n gerisine d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. 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