{"id":6055,"date":"2019-02-24T10:30:00","date_gmt":"2019-02-24T07:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/?p=6055&preview=true&preview_id=6055"},"modified":"2019-02-24T01:45:11","modified_gmt":"2019-02-23T22:45:11","slug":"ihvan-ne-milliyet-ne-vatan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/ihvan-ne-milliyet-ne-vatan\/","title":{"rendered":"\u0130hvan: Ne milliyet ne vatan!"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"Milliyetsiz

Milliyetsiz ve vatans\u0131z \u0130hvanc\u0131l\u0131k i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131rlar \u00f6nemli de\u011fildir. Yok h\u00fckm\u00fcndedir. Vatan ve milliyet olmay\u0131nca vatanda\u015f-yabanc\u0131 ayr\u0131m\u0131 da anlams\u0131zd\u0131r. Siyas\u00ee bir avantaj i\u00e7in bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131ndan kolayca vazge\u00e7ilebilir.<\/p><\/div>\n

Gulu gulu dans\u0131 yapan Zenciler Bat\u0131 medeniyetini \u00e7\u00f6kertiyor<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Kutb’un d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyas\u0131na kuvvetle etki eden unsurlar ABD’de deri renginden dolay\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanmas\u0131 ve \u00f6nceleri dost edindi\u011fi Nas\u0131r ile yollar\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. M\u0131s\u0131r Maarif Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n iki y\u0131ll\u0131k g\u00f6revlendirmesiyle ABD’de \u00fc\u00e7 ayr\u0131 \u00fcniversitede e\u011fitimle ilgili \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar yapar. O g\u00fcnlere kadar edebiyat ve \u015fiir tenkidiyle me\u015fgulken \u015fimdi \u0130slam’da Sosyal Adalet<\/em> ve \u0130slam’la Kapitalizm’in Sava\u015f\u0131’<\/em>n\u0131 yay\u0131nlar.<\/p>\n

ABD’de etraf\u0131na bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Alexis Carrel’in \u00e7\u00f6ken Bat\u0131 Medeniyetini g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Mesel\u00e2 Amerikanlar\u0131n m\u00fczik zevki hakk\u0131nda fikirleri \u015f\u00f6yledir: Tercihleri “jazz” m\u00fczi\u011fidir ki bu, Zenciler’in ilkel e\u011filimlerini tatmin i\u00e7in icat ettikler m\u00fcziktir. Hem g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fc arzular\u0131n\u0131 hem de hayvan\u00ee e\u011filimlerini tahrik eder.<\/em><\/p>\n

\u0130nsanlar\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fi Zencilikte sona ermektedir anla\u015f\u0131lan. M\u00fcteveffa Erbakan’\u0131n “Yapt\u0131klar\u0131 dans Gulu Gulu dans\u0131d\u0131r, Zenciler de k\u00fclt\u00fcrs\u00fczd\u00fcr, bilgisizdir.<\/em>” s\u00f6zlerini hat\u0131rl\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n

\"Seyyid

Seyyid Kutb ve bir grup \u0130hvan, Nas\u0131r’a kar\u015f\u0131 suikast d\u00fczenleme iddias\u0131yla yakalan\u0131p hapsedilir.<\/p><\/div>\n

Kutb art\u0131k Ah\u00ee \u00c2mal’dir<\/strong><\/h2>\n

1950 ABD d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler’in aktif \u00fcyesidir, Ah\u00ee \u00c2mal olmu\u015ftur. Haftal\u0131k El-\u0130hvan El Muslimin<\/em> dergisinin edit\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yapar. Sonra kariyerinde h\u0131zla t\u0131rman\u0131r. S\u0131ras\u0131yla \u0130hvan’\u0131n propaganda b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na, sonra y\u00f6netim kuruluna ve nihayet te\u015fkil\u00e2t\u0131n en \u00fcst kurulu, rehberlik konseyine gelir.<\/p>\n

1952’de H\u00fcr Subaylar, krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 devirir. Nas\u0131r’\u0131 ba\u015fa ge\u00e7irecek yol a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131r. \u0130hvan, o g\u00fcne kadar kendilerini ezen krall\u0131ktan kurtulman\u0131n sevinci i\u00e7indedir. Nas\u0131r’dan \u0130sl\u00e2m devletini kurmas\u0131n\u0131 beklerler. Nas\u0131r, Kutb’un evine gidip dan\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bir bak\u0131ma Arap-\u0130sl\u00e2m sentezi! Fakat balay\u0131 k\u0131sa s\u00fcrer. Nas\u0131r milliyet\u00e7idir, h\u00e2lbuki Kutb ve \u0130hvan art\u0131k millete de milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe de, hatta vatanseverli\u011fe de kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r, milliyet\u00e7ilik ayaklar\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u0130ki d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u011fda\u015fmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilen Nas\u0131r kendi gizli te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131, Tahrir’i (H\u00fcrriyet) kurmu\u015ftur bile.<\/p>\n

1954’te Kutb ve bir grup \u0130hvan, Nas\u0131r’a kar\u015f\u0131 suikast d\u00fczenleme iddias\u0131yla yakalan\u0131p hapsedilir. 1964’e kadar hapiste kal\u0131r. Kur’an’\u0131n G\u00f6lgesinde<\/em> ve Yoldaki \u0130\u015faretler<\/em> hapisteki on y\u0131lda yaz\u0131l\u0131r. 1964’te serbest kal\u0131r ancak bir y\u0131l dolmadan tekrar tutuklan\u0131r ve 26 A\u011fustos 1965’te idam edilir.<\/p>\n

Milliyetsiz ve vatans\u0131z ideoloji<\/strong><\/h2>\n

John Calvert, Kutb’un milliyet\u00e7ilikten \u0130hvanc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa, millet ve vatan kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131r:<\/p>\n

Fakat Kutb’un milliyet\u00e7i d\u00f6nemi ile olgunluk d\u00f6neminin \u0130slamc\u0131 tavr\u0131 aras\u0131nda esastan bir fark vard\u0131r. Her yerdeki milliyet\u00e7iler gibi toplumda kanun ve vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 dinden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrken, daha sonra metafizi\u011fi d\u00fcnyadaki her \u015feyin \u00fcst\u00fcnde egemen k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a il\u00e2n etti. Bir \u0130slamc\u0131 olarak Kutb, \u0130slam camias\u0131n\u0131n (\u00fcmmetin) bir arazi ile s\u0131n\u0131rlanmas\u0131na da bu arazi \u00fcst\u00fcndeki egemenli\u011fine de inanm\u0131yordu. Bunun yerine klasik \u0130slam hukuk\u00e7ular\u0131n\u0131 izleyerek, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n “vatan\u0131” diye “teolojik bir mek\u00e2n\u0131”, d\u00fcnyada \u0130slam\u00ee hayat\u0131 yerine getirmeye adanm\u0131\u015f her yeri anl\u0131yordu. Bu mek\u00e2n, her yerdeki M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine al\u0131yordu ve sonunda b\u00fct\u00fcn insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapsayacakt\u0131r. <\/em>(Kom\u00fcnizmin, ‘proletaryan\u0131n vatan\u0131 karn\u0131n\u0131n doydu\u011fu yerdir’ veya ‘proletaryan\u0131n vatan\u0131 iki metre topra\u011f\u0131n alt\u0131ndad\u0131r’ \u00a0ve bizim \u015einas\u00ee ve Fikret’in ‘Milletim nev’i be\u015fer, vatan\u0131m ruy-i zemin’ s\u00f6ylemlerini hat\u0131rlay\u0131n\u0131z \u2013 \u0130\u00d6). Halk\u0131n egemen iradesinden ve onun temsilcilerinden talimat almak yerine M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar \u015eeriata tabiydi. Kanunlar, d\u00fczenlemeler ve nasihatler toplulu\u011fu \u015eeriat, halka ya\u015famlar\u0131nda yol g\u00f6stermekle birlikte halktan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zd\u0131 ve halktan \u00f6nce de vard\u0131. Kutb’un olgunluk anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda Bat\u0131’n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn ideolojileri, ister etnolinguistik muhtariyet isterse Marksizm’deki gibi sek\u00fcler trans-milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi savunsunlar, “cahil”di ve ilah\u00ee hakikati reddettikleri i\u00e7in yanl\u0131\u015f yoldayd\u0131. Kutb’un \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 M\u0131s\u0131r milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi k\u00f6k\u00fcnden gelmi\u015f olabilir. Fakat bir ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi ya\u015fad\u0131. Sonra ulus-devletin ufuklar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015ft\u0131 ve \u00a0‘M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar, Tanr\u0131’n\u0131n iradesine ba\u011fl\u0131, kendi kendini y\u00f6neten ki\u015filerdir’ dedi. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda \u0130slamc\u0131 Kutb bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr veya din milliyet\u00e7isinin \u00e7ok \u00f6tesindedir. Siyasete yeni bir moral \u00e7er\u00e7eve tasarlaman\u0131n \u00f6n cephesindedir. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f bug\u00fcn de her cins M\u00fcsl\u00fcman isyanc\u0131n\u0131n ilham kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em>[i]<\/a><\/p>\n

Millet yoktur, vatan yoktur, halk\u0131n egemenli\u011fi yoktur. Bu yoklar\u0131 \u00f6rtmek i\u00e7in T\u00fcrkiye’de “aziz millet, necip millet<\/em>” gibi ismi olmayan “millet<\/em>” s\u00f6ylemleri kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. Burada insanlar\u0131 aldatmak i\u00e7in “millet<\/em>” kelimesinin eski “\u00fcmmet<\/em>” anlam\u0131 kullan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Yalan s\u00f6ylerken bir aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kald\u0131r\u0131nca yalan\u0131n g\u00fcnah\u0131n\u0131n silindi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek gibi. Bir de “\u0130brahim\u00ee Millet<\/em>” var. O millet herhalde Yahudiler, Hristiyanlar ve b\u00fct\u00fcn M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Milletin, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin ve Bat\u0131 medeniyetinin devri ge\u00e7ti<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Milliyetsiz ve vatans\u0131z \u0130hvanc\u0131l\u0131k i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131rlar \u00f6nemli de\u011fildir. Yok h\u00fckm\u00fcndedir. Vatan ve milliyet olmay\u0131nca vatanda\u015f-yabanc\u0131 ayr\u0131m\u0131 da anlams\u0131zd\u0131r. Siyas\u00ee bir avantaj i\u00e7in bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131ndan kolayca vazge\u00e7ilebilir.<\/p>\n

Kutb hapiste, Nas\u0131r’\u0131n Genel \u0130stihbarat Direkt\u00f6r\u00fc Salah Nasr’a verdi\u011fi ifadede vatanseverlik ve milliyet\u00e7ilik hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6ylediklerini J. Calvert \u015f\u00f6yle naklediyor:<\/p>\n

“Milliyet\u00e7ilik tarih\u00ee zaman\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir bayrakt\u0131r.” Kutb’a g\u00f6re d\u00fcnya, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve doktrine dayanan ideolojik komplekslere do\u011fru ilerlemektedir. \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee hareket bu global e\u011filimin bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Kabile kimli\u011fine, \u0131rk veya topra\u011fa dayanan Asabiyye gerici, cahili bir kimlik tarz\u0131d\u0131r.[ii]<\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

Nazizm, Fa\u015fizm ve Kom\u00fcnizm d\u00f6neminde b\u00fcy\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f, kendini Kapitalizm “kompleksiyle” sava\u015f h\u00e2linde g\u00f6ren Kutb i\u00e7in d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve doktrine dayanan ideolojik komplekslere do\u011fru ilerledi\u011fi alg\u0131s\u0131 \u00e7ok da yad\u0131rganmayabilir.<\/p>\n

Ancak ayn\u0131 sloganlar\u0131n yetmi\u015f k\u00fcsur y\u0131l sonra T\u00fcrkiye’de ve gittik\u00e7e y\u00fckselen bir milliyet\u00e7ilikler d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda tekrarlanmas\u0131 tuhaft\u0131r. \u0130deolojinin g\u00f6z\u00fc k\u00f6r etmesinin, Cemil Meri\u00e7’in ifadesiyle, idraklere deli g\u00f6mle\u011fi giydirmesinin \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Siyas\u00ee \u0130slamc\u0131lar y\u00fcz y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir zamand\u0131r hem Bat\u0131’n\u0131n hem de millet devletinin (ulus devletin) \u00e7\u00f6kmesini bekliyor. T\u0131pk\u0131 Marks ve Engels’in \u00f6m\u00fcrleri boyunca Almanya’da proleter ihtilali bekledi\u011fi gibi. Bat\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla durup durdu\u011fu gibi Kuzey’de, Do\u011fu’da yeni Bat\u0131lar y\u00fckseliyor. D\u00fcnya siyasetinde s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik mevzi kaybettik\u00e7e ulus devletler \u015feksiz \u015f\u00fcphesiz h\u00e2kim oluyor, say\u0131lar\u0131 art\u0131yor. Bat\u0131n\u0131n globalistleri ve liberalleri \u00e7ok k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc terk ediyor. T\u00fcrkiye’de de zaman zaman Bat\u0131’yla i\u015f birli\u011fi yapm\u0131\u015f dinbazlar\u0131n da beklentileri s\u00f6n\u00fcyor. Bu say\u0131lan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin hi\u00e7biri y\u00fckseli\u015fte de\u011fil. Bir tek milliyet\u00e7ilik y\u00fckseliyor.<\/p>\n

\u0130hvan ve ter\u00f6r<\/strong><\/h2>\n

\u0130hvan, ter\u00f6rist bir \u00f6rg\u00fct m\u00fcd\u00fcr? Bu soruya verilecek olumlu veya olumsuz cevap politik demagojiye bula\u015fmaya mahk\u00fbmdur. \u0130hvan aleyhtarlar\u0131na g\u00f6re ki hemen \u00e7evremizdeki devletlerin \u00e7o\u011fu \u00f6yledir, \u0130hvan ter\u00f6risttir. Suud\u00ee Arabistan’dan M\u0131s\u0131r’a, Rusya’ya kadar hepsi \u0130hvan’a ter\u00f6rist der. T\u00fcrkiye ve Katar istisnad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ter\u00f6rizm, d\u00fcnyaca mahk\u00fbm edildi\u011fi i\u00e7in siyaset sahnesinde muar\u0131za ter\u00f6rist moda oldu. Bu bol keseden itham muhakkak ki en \u00e7ok ter\u00f6ristlerin i\u015fine yar\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Daha objektif soru, “\u0130hvan, \u015fiddete ba\u015fvurur mu?<\/em>” olabilir.<\/p>\n

Bunun cevab\u0131 hakk\u0131nda bir fikir edinmek i\u00e7in \u0130hvan’\u0131n bayra\u011f\u0131na bir g\u00f6z atarak i\u015fe ba\u015flayabiliriz. \u00c7apraz iki k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7 ve alt\u0131nda “Haz\u0131rlan!<\/em>“. Pek bar\u0131\u015fsever bir hava de\u011fil. Bayra\u011f\u0131n alt\u0131nda “El-\u0130hvan el-M\u00fcslimin”i okuyorsunuz. Benna’dan beri kulland\u0131klar\u0131 bir slogan \u015f\u00f6yle: Gayemiz Allah, \u00f6nderimiz Peygamber, rehberimiz Kur’an, yolumuz Cihad, Allah yolunda \u00f6lmek en b\u00fcy\u00fck emelimizdir.<\/em><\/p>\n

\"\u0130hvan

\u0130hvan bayra\u011f\u0131<\/p><\/div>\n

Cihad soruldu\u011funda, “kastimiz insan\u0131n nefsiyle cihad\u0131d\u0131r” savunmas\u0131 yayg\u0131nd\u0131r. Ancak zaman zaman mensuplar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fcp, “Yanl\u0131\u015f anlamay\u0131n, cihad sadece kendimizle de\u011fildir, d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 cihad da farzd\u0131r”<\/em> d\u00fczeltmesini uyar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 duyar\u0131z.<\/p>\n

\u0130hvan’\u0131n en ba\u015ftan, Benna’dan beri, ge\u00e7mi\u015fi suikast iddialar\u0131yla doludur. Bunlar\u0131n hangisinin do\u011fru, hangisinin iftira oldu\u011funu tespit kolay de\u011fildir. En kuvvetli iddialardan biri, \u0130hvan’a mensup veterinerlik \u00f6\u011frencisi Mecid Ahmed Hassan’\u0131n 28 Aral\u0131k 1948’de M\u0131s\u0131r Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Mahmud Nukrasi Pa\u015fa’y\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcrmesidir. Bu suikastten iki ay sonra \u0130hvan’\u0131n kurucu lideri Benna’n\u0131n katli, M\u0131s\u0131r istihbarat\u0131n\u0131n intikam operasyonu olarak de\u011ferlendirilir.<\/p>\n

Gerek Benna’n\u0131n gerekse Kutb’un \u00fc\u00e7 kademeli bir stratejiyi kabul ettiklerini ve bunu da Hazreti Peygamber’e dayand\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz: \u00d6nce bir cemaat olacak ve kendilerini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn mertebe izole edecekler, sonra g\u00fc\u00e7lenecekler, nihayet \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc safhada, belirli bir g\u00fcce eri\u015fince, cahiliye y\u00f6netimlerini devirip Allah’\u0131n h\u00e2kimiyetini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecekler. \u00d6nceleri M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halk\u0131n k\u0131yam\u0131, yani ayaklanmas\u0131yla ba\u015far\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen bu h\u00e2kimiyet i\u00e7in Kutb daha sonra bu i\u015f i\u00e7in paramiliter bir \u00f6nc\u00fc kuvvet yeti\u015ftirilmesi gerekti\u011fini yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kutb’u sonunda idama g\u00f6t\u00fcren delillerin \u00f6nemli k\u0131sm\u0131 bir manifesto ve siyas\u00ee h\u00e2kimiyeti tesis k\u0131lavuzu niyetiyle yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yoldaki \u0130\u015faretler<\/em>‘dir. Gizli Aparat i\u00e7in Sudan \u00fczerinden M\u0131s\u0131r’a silah getirme te\u015febb\u00fcs\u00fc vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Kutb’un idam gerek\u00e7esi, Nas\u0131r’a suikast te\u015febb\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu suikast, do\u011fruysa bile ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zd\u0131r. Enver Sedat suikasti ise ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131. Sedat’\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcren \u00f6rg\u00fct \u0130hvan de\u011fil Tanzim El-Cihad’d\u0131r fakat bunda da \u0130hvan’\u0131n rol\u00fc bulundu\u011fu iddias\u0131 yayg\u0131nd\u0131r. Bu iddialara kar\u015f\u0131 M\u0131s\u0131r’daki \u0130hvan, 1970’lerden sonra \u015fiddeti reddetti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ancak \u0130hvan M\u0131s\u0131r’la s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil. Suriye’de 1970’lerden ba\u015flayarak Baas rejimine cihad a\u00e7t\u0131lar. Marwan Hadid ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda y\u00fczlerce cinayeti resmen \u00fcstlendiler. Rejimin tepkisi sert oldu. \u015eehirler bombaland\u0131 ve binlerce insan katledildi.<\/p>\n

M\u0131s\u0131r Sa\u011fl\u0131k Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n resm\u00ee rakamlar\u0131na g\u00f6re Kahire’de, Rabia Meydan\u0131 protestolar\u0131nda 595 ihvan 43 polis \u00f6lm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Bir ba\u015fka tespit, \u0130hvan’\u0131n ter\u00f6re liderlik etmese de, bir\u00e7ok ter\u00f6rist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye ebeveyn rol\u00fc oynamas\u0131d\u0131r. Benna- Kutb- Mevdud\u00ee hatt\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n gerisindeki Hanbeli\u2014 Ebu Mansur El-Ba\u011fdad\u00ee –E\u015fariye\u2014\u0130bni Teymiye– Selefilik \u00e7izgisi bug\u00fcn ad\u0131n\u0131 duydu\u011fumuz b\u00fct\u00fcn Siyas\u00ee \u00dcmmet\u00e7i aktivist \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn kutsallar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczdendir ki ter\u00f6r uzmanlar\u0131 \u0130hvan’\u0131, silahl\u0131 Siyas\u00ee \u0130slamc\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlere giden bir “binek ta\u015f\u0131 ~stepping stone” diye alg\u0131l\u0131yor. [iii]<\/a> Hamas, Jemaat el-Islamiye ve el-Kaide’nin bir\u00e7ok isminin ge\u00e7mi\u015finde \u0130hvan mensubiyeti var. Bunlardan en me\u015fhurlar\u0131ndan biri, Usame Bin-Ladin’in vekili Ayman el-Zevahiri’dir. The Guardian Gazetesi’nin Bin Laden’in annesiyle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 r\u00f6portajda, anne Alia Ghanem, mealen, “Benim o\u011flum hi\u00e7 \u00f6yle biri de\u011fildi, onu M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler bu hale getirdi<\/em>.” diyor.[iv]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130hvan bahsinde incelenmesi gereken bir ba\u015fka y\u00f6n, \u00e7e\u015fitli devletlerin istihbarat te\u015fkil\u00e2tlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130hvan \u00fcst\u00fcndeki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, \u0130hvan’a s\u0131zmalar\u0131 ve onu kullanmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu T\u00fcrkiye’de de ge\u00e7erlidir. Bir \u00f6nceki yaz\u0131ma, “Erbakan’\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fiyle birlikte T\u00fcrkiye’de birka\u00e7 kitab\u0131n bol bol bas\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ucuz veya bedava da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.<\/em>” c\u00fcmlesiyle ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. Y\u0131llar sonra \u00f6\u011freniyoruz ki bu kitaplar\u0131 terc\u00fcme ettiren ve T\u00fcrkiye’de geni\u015f ve ucuz -bazan da bedava- da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan Siyas\u00ee \u0130slamc\u0131lar de\u011fil M\u0130T’tir![v]<\/a><\/p>\n

[i]<\/a> John Calvert, Sayyid Qutb and the Origins of Radical Islamism<\/em>, Oxford University Press 2013,\u00a0 sayfa 17-18.<\/p>\n

[ii]<\/a> John Calvert, a. g. e. sayfa 257. O da ifade i\u00e7in Mahmud Kamil al-\u2018Arusi, Muhakamat Sayyid Qutb<\/em>, 77’ye at\u0131f yapar.<\/p>\n

[iii]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cfr.org\/backgrounder\/does-muslim-brotherhood-have-ties-terrorism<\/p>\n

[iv]<\/a> https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2018\/aug\/03\/osama-bin-laden-mother-speaks-out-family-interview<\/p>\n

[v]<\/a> http:\/\/www.haksozhaber.net\/okul\/seyyid-kutub-turkiyede-nasil-algilandi-6832yy.htm<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kutb\u2019a g\u00f6re milliyet\u00e7ilik cahilcedir, geri kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; ulus devletler \u00e7\u00f6kecektir. D\u00fczene uymak i\u00e7in milliyetsiz ve vatans\u0131z ideolojiler gereklidir: \u0130hvanc\u0131l\u0131k gibi. Ger\u00e7ekteyse milliyetsiz ve vatans\u0131z ideolojiler \u00e7\u00f6kerken milliyet\u00e7ilik y\u00fckseli\u015ftedir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":6083,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_ef_editorial_meta_date_first-draft-date":"","_ef_editorial_meta_paragraph_assignment":"","footnotes":"","_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[61,2,66,69],"tags":[633,632,634,408,504,567],"coauthors":[5],"class_list":["post-6055","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-din","category-genel","category-siyaset-tarih","category-yakin-cografya","tag-cemal-abdulnasir","tag-ihvan","tag-ihvancilik","tag-misir","tag-musluman-kardesler","tag-seyyid-kutb"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6055","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6055"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6055\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6083"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6055"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6055"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6055"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=6055"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}