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T\u00fcrkiye ve d\u00fcnya kamuoyu, son \u00fc\u00e7 ayd\u0131r olduk\u00e7a yo\u011fun ve gergin bir s\u00fcre\u00e7ten ge\u00e7iyor. \u00dclkemizde ve d\u00fcnyada a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan g\u00fcndem maddeleri Bar\u0131\u015f P\u0131nar\u0131 Harekat\u0131, Donald Trump’\u0131n azil s\u00fcreci, ABD Senatosunda tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan Ermeni tasar\u0131s\u0131 ve son olarak T\u00fcrkiye-Libya aras\u0131nda imzalanan mutabakat muht\u0131ras\u0131 ve bunun hemen ard\u0131ndan Libya’da T\u00fcrkiye m\u00fcttefiki UMH y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131, Tobruk merkezli isyanc\u0131 general Hafter’in sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7mesi. Do\u011fal olarak, asl\u0131nda hem bizim ve hem de t\u00fcm Avrasya co\u011frafyas\u0131 i\u00e7in olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli bir g\u00fcndem olan Ke\u015fmir Krizi’ne s\u0131ra gelmesi zor oluyor. Halbuki, Ke\u015fmir Krizi, t\u00fcm bu g\u00fcndem maddeleriyle, \u00fclkemizin milli g\u00fcvenlik stratejisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ilintilidir. Zira, Pakistan, T\u00fcrkiye olarak bizim Avrasya co\u011frafyas\u0131nda kuraca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z yeni b\u00f6lgesel dengeler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6zel bir jeostratejik \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca,\u00a0 hem \u00c7in hem de ABD ile ili\u015fkilerini de daima diri tutmaya ve g\u00fcncellemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Pakistan\u2019\u0131n, art\u0131k Avrasya co\u011frafyas\u0131ndaki en \u00f6nemli stratejik ortaklar\u0131m\u0131zdan oldu\u011fu da rasyonel bir durumdur. NATO’da masaya g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u015fekilde oturabilmemiz i\u00e7in, Avrasya co\u011frafyas\u0131nda daima yak\u0131n ve m\u00fcttefik olmam\u0131z gereken \u00fc\u00e7 \u00fclke var; Azerbaycan, Kazakistan ve Pakistan.<\/p>\n
G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, Pakistan iki y\u00fcz milyona dayanm\u0131\u015f olan n\u00fcfusu ve stratejik co\u011frafyas\u0131 ile k\u00fcresel politikan\u0131n olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli \u00fclkelerinden birisidir. Orta Do\u011fu, Orta Asya ve G\u00fcney Asya\u2019n\u0131n kesi\u015fme noktalar\u0131nda yer alan Pakistan\u2019\u0131n stratejik \u00f6nemi, son y\u0131llarda kom\u015fu bulundu\u011fu co\u011frafyalar\u0131n d\u00fcnya siyasetindeki konumuyla orant\u0131l\u0131 olarak art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6stermektedir. Ayr\u0131ca bir di\u011fer \u00a0b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7 olan Hindistan ile ya\u015fanan s\u0131n\u0131r gerilimleri, \u00f6te yandan Afganistan s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda s\u00fcreklilik arz eden \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar ve El-Kaide ve Taliban\u2019\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Pakistan\u2019\u0131 d\u00fcnya g\u00fcndeminin \u00fcst s\u0131ralar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Hindistan ve Pakistan aras\u0131ndaki tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 Ke\u015fmir B\u00f6lgesi \u00fczerine olan son \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te \u015fimdilik silahlar susmu\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrken,\u00a0 Ke\u015fmir’de yeni \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n alevlenmesi an meselesi.<\/p>\n
Daha \u00f6nce bu konuda kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m yaz\u0131lar\u0131mda belirtti\u011fim hususu tekrar vurgulamak istiyorum; Pakistan ordusu ve Pakistan istihbarat servisi aras\u0131nda ya\u015fan\u0131lan kopukluk, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ve mantalite farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve hatta kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k bir ulusal g\u00fcvenlik sorunudur. Ke\u015fmir Krizi’nin yeniden alevlenmesiyle de bu ulusal g\u00fcvenlik sorunu, Pakistan Devleti i\u00e7in can al\u0131c\u0131 bir noktaya ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Pakistan istihbarat te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n ismi; ‘<\/em>\u0130nter Services \u0130ntelligence<\/em>‘. <\/em>K\u0131salt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ad\u0131yla ISI. Bug\u00fcn, d\u00fcnyadaki en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc istihbarat servislerinden ilk be\u015fini s\u0131ralar m\u0131s\u0131n\u0131z diye bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma veya anket yap\u0131lsa, muhtemelen kimse ISI’n\u0131n ismini telaffuz etmez.\u00a0 Yahut bu te\u015fkilat\u0131n hangi \u00fclkeye ait oldu\u011fu bile bilinmez. Fakat, san\u0131lan\u0131n aksine ISI, her y\u0131l \u00f6nemli ara\u015ft\u0131rma merkezlerince en ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 istihbarat te\u015fkilatlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda g\u00f6sterilmektedir. Bu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z kaynaklar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda ABD merkezli RAND Corporat\u0131on gelmektedir. Pakistan istihbarat\u0131 ISI, d\u00fcnyada hakk\u0131nda en az bilginin oldu\u011fu istihbarat te\u015fkilatlar\u0131nda biridir. Zira, gizlilik \u015feffafl\u0131k dengesini \u00e7ok iyi kurmay\u0131 ba\u015faran bu te\u015fkilat\u0131n tarihinde MOSSAD, BND, MI6, KGB vb. servislerden \u00e7ok daha az bilgi ve asparagas haber vard\u0131r. Pakistan istihbarat\u0131n\u0131n bu g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn nereden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 incelerken, servise bu g\u00fcc\u00fc veren ki\u015filerden k\u0131saca bahsetmek gerekiyor. En \u00f6nemli isim Albay Jerry K\u0130NG. Albay King, 80\u2019li y\u0131llarda hem Pentagon\u2019da hem de RAND Corporat\u0131on’da g\u00f6rev ald\u0131. \u0130kinci \u00f6nemli isim ise John DEUTCH. O da, yine 80’li y\u0131llarda aktif \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Alman k\u00f6kenli bir CIA direkt\u00f6r yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n Jerry K\u0130NG ABD Ulusal G\u00fcvenlik Ajans\u0131 (NSA) tarihinde olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli bir askerdir. 1981 y\u0131l\u0131nda ABD\u2019nin ilk \u201caskeri istihbarat\u0131 te\u015fkilat\u0131<\/em>\u201d olan ve ad\u0131 \u00e7ok fazla bilinmemesine ra\u011fmen sahada \u00e7ok aktif olan Intelligence Support Activity (ISA) adl\u0131 olu\u015fumu kurmu\u015ftur. Y\u0131llar i\u00e7inde \u00e7ok daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir hale gelen Intelligence Support Activity, bir\u00e7ok operasyonda CIA\u2019y\u0131 yetersiz buluyordu. Sonunda CIA rakip olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ISA’ya kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f ilan etti. Ayr\u0131ca, CIA olduk\u00e7a sert bir su\u00e7lamay\u0131 daha ISA’ya kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6neltti: CIA’n\u0131n elindeki angaje raporlar\u0131na g\u00f6re, ISA \u00f6zellikle Pakistan ve Hindistan’da, Pentagon’a bilgi vermeden baz\u0131 \u00f6zel operasyonlar y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyordu. Pakistan operasyonlar\u0131 ise, genellikle petrol b\u00f6lgeleri ve Ke\u015fmir \u00fczerinde yo\u011funla\u015f\u0131yordu. \u00d6zellikle Ke\u015fmir’deki Pe\u015ftun T\u00fcrkleri hakk\u0131nda inceleme, espiyonaj ve angaje \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 Jerry K\u0131ng’in \u00fczerinde \u00f6nemle durdu\u011fu konulard\u0131. Amerikan istihbarat yap\u0131s\u0131nda art\u0131k bir i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f istihbarat sava\u015flar\u0131, t\u00fcm h\u0131z\u0131yla devam ederken Pakistan\u2019da ba\u015fka bir operasyona daha giri\u015filmi\u015fti. 2001 y\u0131l\u0131nda CIA\u2019n\u0131n kendisine tehdit olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ISA, ‘Gri Tilki<\/em>‘ kod ad\u0131yla y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen bir \u00f6zel operasyon \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde Pakistan istihbarat\u0131 ISI ile ortak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla yukar\u0131da verdi\u011fim bu bilgiler ba\u011flam\u0131nda, ISI’n\u0131n nas\u0131l bir yap\u0131ya ve mantaliteye sahip oldu\u011funu da gayet a\u00e7\u0131k ve net olarak anlayabiliriz. Ayr\u0131ca, yine bu bilgiler do\u011frultusunda ISI’n\u0131n Pakistan ordusuna bile kafa tutabilen ve Ke\u015fmir konusunda atalet halinde kalan tutumunun k\u00f6klerini de net olarak alg\u0131layabiliyoruz.[1]<\/p>\n Pakistan\u2019\u0131n ulusal g\u00fcvenlik stratejisi,bug\u00fcne dek hep Hindistan \u00fczerinden ve Hindistan ‘la olas\u0131 bir n\u00fckleer veya konvansiyonel sava\u015fa kurgulanm\u0131\u015f olarak\u00a0 yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve g\u00fcncellenmi\u015ftir.Bu ba\u011flamda, son ya\u015fanan Ke\u015fmir Krizi de g\u00f6steriyor ki, Pakistan ordusunun milli duru\u015funa kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, ISI’n\u0131n net bir duru\u015f sergileyememesi ve bunun sonucunda ulusal ve stratejik bir istihbarat yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 yerine, karma\u015f\u0131k bir enformasyonla, \u00fclke g\u00fcvenli\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ku\u015fkulu olarak nitelendirilebilecek baz\u0131 angaje faaliyetlerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi, hem Pakistan’\u0131n hem de dolayl\u0131 olarak T\u00fcrkiye’nin gelecekteki Avrasya stratejisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ciddi risk ve tehlike olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u0130ki d\u00fc\u015fman \u00fclke olan Pakistan ve Hindistan’\u0131n Ke\u015fmir konusundaki net tutumlar\u0131 \u015fu \u015fekildedir:<\/p>\n Pakistan hakl\u0131 olarak, n\u00fcfusunun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu Pe\u015ftun T\u00fcrk’\u00fc[2] ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcman oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in Ke\u015fmir\u2019in Pakistan\u2019\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini savunuyor. Ayr\u0131ca say\u0131s\u0131z BM karar\u0131n\u0131n da g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi Ke\u015fmir\u2019in, Hindistan veya Pakistan\u2019a kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in referanduma gidilmesi gerekti\u011fini ifade ediyor.Hindistan ise, bu duruma, 1972 Simla Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019ndaki ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda, her iki \u00fclkenin Ke\u015fmir Sorunu\u2019nun, BM gibi uluslararas\u0131 kurumlarla de\u011fil, ikili g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fi \u00fczerine uzla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunarak kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k veriyor. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m asl\u0131nda siyasi bir manip\u00fclasyondur. Zira Hindistan, ayn\u0131 zamanda herhangi bir referandumun Ke\u015fmir de yap\u0131lmamas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc se\u00e7imlerin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi \u00fczere, b\u00f6lgede halk\u0131n\u0131n Hindistan\u2019\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak kalmak istedi\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Halbuki b\u00f6lge halk\u0131n\u0131n neredeyse tamam\u0131 Hindistan’\u0131n sald\u0131rgan ve istikrars\u0131z tutumundan \u015fikayet\u00e7idir.<\/p>\n Hindistan taraf\u0131ndan tutuklanan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k yanl\u0131s\u0131 Jamnu Ke\u015fmir Kurtulu\u015f Cephesi (JKLF) lideri Yasin Malik\u2019in e\u015fi Me\u015fal Malik, Ke\u015fmirlilerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in kampanya y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor. 29 Eyl\u00fcl 2019’da yapm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 aktar\u0131yorum: \u201cE\u015fim silahl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn lideriydi ancak yakla\u015f\u0131k 25 y\u0131l \u00f6nce bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l siyasi platforma ge\u00e7meyi tercih etti. \u015eu anda \u00f6l\u00fcm h\u00fccresinde kapal\u0131. Oradaki insanlar\u0131n d\u00fcnyayla ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131 kesik; radyo, televizyon, telefon, hepsi karart\u0131ld\u0131. Cammu Ke\u015fmir\u2019de isyan edenler tutuklan\u0131yor. Gen\u00e7, \u00e7ocuk, kad\u0131n ve ya\u015fl\u0131lar da i\u015fkence g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. 4 binden fazla insan\u0131n ortadan kayboldu\u011funu duyuyoruz. Siyasi tutuklular serbest b\u0131rak\u0131ls\u0131n, d\u0131\u015far\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kma yasa\u011f\u0131 kalks\u0131n, art\u0131k sahte bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme silsilesi de\u011fil, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz i\u00e7in plebisit yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyoruz.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n Bu a\u00e7\u0131klamadan \u00e7\u0131karaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z sonu\u00e7; Ke\u015fmir Krizi’nin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir konvansiyonel veya n\u00fckleer sava\u015fa yol a\u00e7mamas\u0131 i\u00e7in mutlaka plebisit yap\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u0131kacak olan sonu\u00e7 hem Ke\u015fmir halk\u0131n\u0131n hem de Pakistan’\u0131n g\u00fcvenlik ve istikrar\u0131 i\u00e7in sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n Ke\u015fmir Krizi, k\u00fcresel satran\u00e7taki jeopolitik ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n Avrasya co\u011frafyas\u0131 \u00fczerinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcksek bas\u0131n\u00e7tan da etkilenerek zaman i\u00e7erisinde \u00e7ap\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fctm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00c7in ile 1962 y\u0131l\u0131nda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sava\u015ftaki toprak kay\u0131plar\u0131 Hindistan\u2019\u0131 k\u00fcresel akt\u00f6rlerle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmaya mecbur b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hindistan-\u00c7in sava\u015f\u0131ndan sonra Pakistan\u2019\u0131n \u00c7in ile ittifak kurarak, kendi kontrol\u00fcndeki Ke\u015fmir topraklar\u0131ndan bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc \u00c7in’e b\u0131rakmas\u0131 da \u00c7in’in Ke\u015fmir Krizi’nde taraf olmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur. \u00c7in’in bu tutumu k\u00fcresel akt\u00f6rlerin b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik yeni hamleler yapmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.Ayr\u0131ca So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda Hindistan ve Pakistan’\u0131n daha rahat hareket imkan\u0131na kavu\u015fmas\u0131 da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm zeminini de\u011ferlendirmenin aksine, krizi sava\u015fla \u00e7\u00f6zme e\u011filimlerinin art\u0131\u015f\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f ve her iki \u00fclkenin ordular\u0131n\u0131n da n\u00fckleer g\u00fcce kavu\u015fmas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Ke\u015fmir Krizi de, t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyay\u0131 etkileme kapasitesine sahip bir n\u00fckleer tehdit kayna\u011f\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir. Bununla beraber, b\u00f6ylesine sanc\u0131l\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7te, Pakistan E. Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Pervez M\u00fc\u015ferref i\u00e7in idam karar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131 do\u011fru okumak gereklidir. Uluslararas\u0131 siyasetin \u00e7alkant\u0131larla dolu zor bir d\u00f6neminde Pakistan’a liderlik eden Pervez M\u00fc\u015ferref, g\u00f6rev s\u00fcresi boyunca uluslararas\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f ve g\u00fcvenlik ile b\u00f6lgesinin g\u00fcvenlik ve istikrar\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunmak ve T\u00fcrkiye ile ili\u015fkileri daha da ileriye g\u00f6t\u00fcrmek konusunda daima samimi ve takdire \u015fayan bir gayret g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 M\u00fc\u015ferref, demokrasiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki vaatlerine de ba\u011fl\u0131 kalarak, Pakistan’da genel se\u00e7imlerin sorunsuz bi\u00e7imde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesinde de belirleyici bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00a0Pervez M\u00fc\u015ferref, Pakistan ordusu i\u00e7in olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli bir ulusal fig\u00fcr konumundad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, g\u00f6rev yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcre boyunca \u00fclkenin istihbarat te\u015fkilat\u0131 ISI’n\u0131n ger\u00e7ek anlamda milli ve orduyla uyumlu bir te\u015fkilat haline gelmesi i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve bu nedenle ABD’nin daima olumsuz bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve su\u00e7lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir lider olmu\u015ftur. Ke\u015fmir Krizi’nin deyim yerindeyse ‘K\u00fcresel satranc<\/em>\u0131<\/em>n Pik Noktas<\/em>\u0131<\/em>‘ <\/em>haline geldi\u011fi son s\u00fcre\u00e7te, M\u00fc\u015ferref’in idam\u0131 Pakistan’\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde g\u00fc\u00e7 ve moral kaybetmesi ve dolayl\u0131 olarak da Yeniden Asya <\/em>a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131sa s\u00fcre \u00f6nce ilan eden T\u00fcrkiye’nin kurgulayaca\u011f\u0131 muhtemel havza politikalar\u0131n\u0131n riske girmesi anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, M\u00fc\u015ferref’in idam\u0131n\u0131n engellenmesi i\u00e7in d\u00fcnya kamuoyu nezdinde gerekli diplomatik angajman\u0131 yapmam\u0131z gerekmektedir. Ke\u015fmir Krizi’nde son durum analizi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen; Hindistan ve Pakistan aras\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131rlar kapat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r. Sava\u015f riski de daima masadad\u0131r. Buna ra\u011fmen\u00a0 sava\u015f zaman\u0131 bile devam eden ve umut veren bir rit\u00fcel de halen devam ediyor. Wagah S\u0131n\u0131r Kap\u0131s\u0131’ndaki ‘bayraklar\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi t\u00f6reni’ <\/em>bu rit\u00fcelin uygulan\u0131\u015f \u015feklidir. 1947’den beri yap\u0131lan bu t\u00f6rende, s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n bir taraf\u0131nda Hint di\u011fer taraf\u0131nda Pakistan askeri var. T\u00f6ren, iki \u00fclke askerlerinin tokala\u015fmas\u0131yla son buluyor. Elbette art\u0131k askerlerin de\u011fil, siyasilerin el s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tablo gereklidir. Bu ama\u00e7la \u00c7in, T\u00fcrkiye veya Kazakistan’\u0131n garant\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde (hatta \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir garant\u00f6rl\u00fck de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn) bir Ke<\/em>\u015f<\/em>mir Zirvesi <\/em>toplanmas\u0131 elzem g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. En az\u0131ndan, emperyal odaklar\u0131n de\u011fil, Avrasya’n\u0131n yerlisi olan b\u00f6lge halklar\u0131n\u0131n bar\u0131\u015f ve istikrar\u0131 i\u00e7in bunu ba\u015farmak taraflar\u0131n elindedir.<\/p>\n [1] Verdi\u011fim bu bilgiler ve ISA-CIA m\u00fccadelesi hak\u0131ndaki detayl\u0131 belge ve analiz notlar\u0131, Pult\u0131zer \u00f6d\u00fcll\u00fc yazar T\u0131m We\u0131ner’in ‘Bir CIA Tarihi – K<\/em>\u00fcllerin Miras\u0131<\/em>‘ <\/em>adl\u0131 kapsaml\u0131 ve hacimli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda genel hatlar\u0131yla yer almaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n [2] Pe\u015ftun T\u00fcrkleri, ge\u00e7mi\u015fte Gazneliler, Timurlular ve nihayetinde Bab\u00fcrl\u00fcler’den arta kalan kadim bir T\u00fcrk toplulu\u011fudur. Konuyla ilgili olarak, Prof. Erdo\u011fan Mer\u00e7il’in ‘Gazneliler: Siyaset-Te<\/em>\u015f<\/em>kilat-K\u00fclt\u00fcr<\/em>‘ adl\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli bilgiler i\u00e7ermektedir. Ayr\u0131ca T\u0130KA’n\u0131n 1994 tarihli Pakistan raporu da detayl\u0131 bilgi vermektedir.<\/p>\n –<\/strong>E. Albay Dr. Cengiz Topel Mermer, ‘Ke<\/em>\u015fmir Sorunu ve Pakistan-Hindistan<\/em><\/p>\n –<\/em>Hakan Han\u00e7er, ‘Ger\u00e7ek Burada:ABD ve Emperyalizmin 70 Y<\/em>\u0131<\/em>ll<\/em>\u0131<\/em>k Yalanlar<\/em>\u0131<\/em>‘, <\/em>Atatyurt Yay\u0131nevi, 2019.<\/p>\n \u0130li\u015fkileri <\/em>\u00dczerine Etkisi<\/em>‘, <\/em>TASAM, 2019<\/p>\n -MGK Genel Sekreterli\u011fi, 2030-K\u00fcresel E<\/em>\u011f<\/em>ilimler Raporu<\/em>, 2012.<\/p>\n -MGK Genel Sekreterli\u011fi, Strateji Yaz<\/em>\u0131<\/em>lar<\/em>\u0131<\/em>-1<\/em>, 2014.<\/p>\n -MGK Genel Sekreterli\u011fi, Milli Hedefler ve Menfaatler, <\/em>1998.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Ke\u015fmir B\u00f6lgesi uzun zamand\u0131r Pakistan ile Hindistan aras\u0131nda sorun te\u015fkil etmekte olup bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulunamamaktad\u0131r. K\u00fcresel siyasetin kriz noktas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc ise bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l \u015fekilde olmak zorundad\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":41,"featured_media":9148,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_ef_editorial_meta_date_first-draft-date":"","_ef_editorial_meta_paragraph_assignment":"","footnotes":"","_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[2,66],"tags":[],"coauthors":[51],"class_list":["post-9147","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-genel","category-siyaset-tarih"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9147","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/41"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9147"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9147\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9193,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9147\/revisions\/9193"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9148"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9147"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9147"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9147"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=9147"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}![\"\"](\"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/01\/hindistan-pakistan.jpg\")
<\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/01\/ke\u015fmir-analizi.jpg\")
<\/h2>\nGenel de<\/strong>\u011f<\/strong>erlendirme ve sonu\u00e7<\/strong><\/h2>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/01\/pik-noktas\u0131-ke\u015fmir.jpg\")
<\/p>\nDipnotlar<\/strong><\/h2>\n
Konuyla ilgili okuma tavsiyesi:<\/strong><\/h2>\n