{"id":9760,"date":"2020-04-10T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2020-04-10T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/?p=9760&preview=true&preview_id=9760"},"modified":"2020-04-10T19:54:38","modified_gmt":"2020-04-10T16:54:38","slug":"iranda-azerbaycan-meselesi-siyasi-ozveri-ve-milli-gaflet-donemi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/iranda-azerbaycan-meselesi-siyasi-ozveri-ve-milli-gaflet-donemi\/","title":{"rendered":"\u0130ran’da Azerbaycan meselesi – Siyasi \u00f6zveri ve mill\u00ee gaflet d\u00f6nemi"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/h2>\n

Me\u015frutiyette harcanan mill\u00ee enerji<\/strong><\/h2>\n

20. yy. \u0130ran i\u00e7in, 1905 y\u0131l\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Me\u015frutiyet devrimiyle ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu devrim h\u00e2kimiyetin (devletin) yap\u0131s\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fiklikler meydana getirmekle birlikte, \u00e7ok milletli bu \u00fclkede mill\u00ee m\u00fcnasebetlere de yeni anlamlar kazand\u0131rd\u0131. Me\u015frutiyet devriminin sebepleri ve geli\u015fme s\u00fcreciyle ilgili \u00e7ok say\u0131da kaynak oldu\u011fundan ayr\u0131nt\u0131lara girilmeyecek. Bu nedenle burada sadece Me\u015frutiyet devriminin \u00f6nemli olaylar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131ralamakla yetinilecektir. Bu olaylar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda, 1905 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Aral\u0131k ay\u0131nda Ba\u015fvezir (Ba\u015fbakan) Ayn\u00fcddevle\u2019nin bir grup Tahran t\u00fcccar\u0131n\u0131 hapse atmas\u0131yla \u00e7ar\u015f\u0131-pazar esnaf\u0131 protestolara ba\u015flad\u0131; bu hadise genel anlamda ahalinin de\u011fi\u015fik s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n itiraz\u0131na neden oldu ve bu itirazlar bir y\u0131l s\u00fcresince farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde devam etti. Protestocular\u0131n as\u0131l istekleri; anayasa (\u2018me\u015frute\u2019) ilan edilmesi, meclisin toplanmas\u0131, Ayn\u00fcddevle\u2019nin istifa etmesi, mahkemelerin olu\u015fturulmas\u0131, yabanc\u0131 m\u00fc\u015favirlerin \u00fclkeden kovulmas\u0131, mahkumlar\u0131n serbest b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi nedenler idi. T\u00fcm bu geli\u015fmelerin neticesinde Me\u015frutiyet ilan edildi. Meclis (Meclis-i \u015eura-yi Mill\u00ee) vekillerinin halk taraf\u0131ndan se\u00e7ilmesi ile ilgili \u015eah\u2019\u0131n fermanlar\u0131 ve se\u00e7im kanununun imzalanmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan Tahran\u2019da se\u00e7im s\u00fcreci ba\u015flad\u0131. 1906 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Ekim ay\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na ba\u015flayan Meclis, Aral\u0131k\u2019ta Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n (Kanun-i Esasi) 51 maddelik birinci b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc tamamlay\u0131p haz\u0131rlad\u0131 ve hasta olan Muzaffereddin \u015eah, \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn \u00f6nce onu imzalad\u0131. Yeni \u015eah Muhammed Ali, Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n \u0130laveleri\u2019ni (M\u00fctemmim-e Kanun-i Esas\u00ee, 106 madde) imzalamak zorunda kalm\u0131\u015fsa da Meclise top ate\u015fi a\u00e7t\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, Rus kozak birli\u011finin yard\u0131m\u0131 ile mutlak egemenli\u011fini kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1908-1909 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Tebriz ayaklanmas\u0131 sonucunda Muhammed Ali \u015eah y\u00f6netimi devrildi, yerine \u00e7ocuk ya\u015ftaki Sultan Ahmed \u015eah getirildi. 1911 y\u0131l\u0131nda Rus ve \u0130ngilizlerin asker\u00ee m\u00fcdahalesinden sonra kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci bir darbe ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi ve sonu\u00e7 olarak Meclis kapat\u0131ld\u0131.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

Tahran\u2019da ya\u015fanan olaylar ilk g\u00fcnden itibaren G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019da, \u00f6zellikle de Tebriz\u2019de dikkatle izleniyordu. Merkezdeki devrimci g\u00fc\u00e7lerle i\u015fbirli\u011fi sa\u011flanarak devrimci giri\u015fimlere destek verildi. 1906 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n A\u011fustos ay\u0131nda me\u015frutiyetin ilan edilmesi, y\u00f6netimin anayasa haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131n\u0131 engelleme \u00e7abas\u0131 ve \u015eah\u2019\u0131n Meclis se\u00e7imleriyle ilgili kanunu imzalamaktan imtina etmesi haberi Tebriz\u2019e ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda b\u00f6lgedeki memnuniyetsiz g\u00fc\u00e7ler hemen cidd\u00ee hareketlere ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Hareketin ilk a\u015famas\u0131nda etkili konuma sahip olan \u0130slamiye Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019nin giri\u015fimiyle Tebriz pazar\u0131 (kapal\u0131 \u00e7ar\u015f\u0131s\u0131) kapat\u0131ld\u0131. Enc\u00fcmen\u2019in bir grup \u00fcyesi protesto olarak \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin Tebriz\u2019deki konsoloslu\u011funda beste oturdular. [2]<\/a> Pazar\u0131n devam eden boykot karar\u0131 ve di\u011fer protesto giri\u015fimleri Tahran\u2019da hareketi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi. Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn sonunda \u015eah saray\u0131ndan Tebriz\u2019e g\u00f6nderilen telgrafta k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7erisinde se\u00e7im kanununun onaylanaca\u011f\u0131 ve Tebriz\u2019de se\u00e7imlerin yap\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131. Azerbaycan valisi Muhammed Ali Mirza, k\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7erisinde se\u00e7ilecek olan Tebriz ve Azerbaycan temsilcilerinin Tahran\u2019a g\u00f6nderilece\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klamak zorunda kald\u0131. [3]<\/a> Bu ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131ndan cesaret alan protestocular t\u00fcm s\u00fcreci y\u00f6netebilecek bir organ olu\u015fturdular. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ilk siyasi enc\u00fcmeninin (cemiyetinin) se\u00e7imleri ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. 20 ki\u015fiden olu\u015fan bu enc\u00fcmen \u00e7e\u015fitli isimlerle an\u0131ld\u0131: Enc\u00fcmen-i Mill\u00ee-yi Tebriz, Enc\u00fcmen-i Mill\u00ee-yi Azerbaycan, Enc\u00fcmen-i Eyaleti-yi Azerbaycan. Bu enc\u00fcmen sonraki y\u0131llarda hareketin siyasi merkezine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc, bazen de yerel y\u00f6netim fonksiyonu ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131. Enc\u00fcmen\u2019in farkl\u0131 isimlerle (Ceride-yi Mill\u00ee, Ruzn\u00e2me-yi Mill\u00ee, Enc\u00fcmen, Enc\u00fcmen-i Tebriz) yay\u0131nlanan bir yay\u0131n organ\u0131 da vard\u0131. [4]<\/a>Gazete, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcne\u015f ve aslan amblemli armas\u0131yla Fars\u00e7a yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Gazetenin redakt\u00f6r\u00fc \u00f6nce Seyid Alekber Vekil\u00ee, sonralar\u0131 ise Mahmud Ganizade idi.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

Tebriz\u2019de se\u00e7imler sona erdikten sonra Veliaht Muhammed Ali Mirza Enc\u00fcmen\u2019e ihtiya\u00e7 kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek kapat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 talep etti. Fakat Enc\u00fcmen \u00fcyeleri bu talebi reddederek Tebriz\u2019de bir miting d\u00fczenlediler. Bu mitingde onlar \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve onun teminat\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 sayd\u0131klar\u0131 Enc\u00fcmen\u2019in kapat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmeyeceklerini bildirdiler. Veliaht, isteklerini geri \u00e7ekmek zorunda kald\u0131. Tebriz Enc\u00fcmeni \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemde (1906-1908) esasen yerel y\u00f6netim organ\u0131 fonksiyonu ta\u015f\u0131makta, aktif bir \u015fekilde \u015fehrin sorunlar\u0131yla me\u015fgul olmakta, ayn\u0131 zamanda cidd\u00ee bir siyasi merkez rol\u00fc oynamaktayd\u0131. Tebriz Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019nin etkisi ve yard\u0131m\u0131yla k\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7erisinde eyaletin \u00e7e\u015fitli b\u00f6lgelerinde \u2013 Urmu\u2019da [Urmiye\u2019de], Salmas\u2019ta, Mara\u011fa\u2019da, Erdebil\u2019de, Zencan\u2019da, Halhal\u2019da, Hoy\u2019da, Mak\u0131\u2019da [Maku\u2019da], Binab\u2019da ve Astara\u2019da vilayet enc\u00fcmenleri kuruldu.<\/p>\n

Tebriz Enc\u00fcmeni, Meclis\u2019e se\u00e7ilen temsilciler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla Tahran\u2019daki siyasi s\u00fcre\u00e7lere do\u011frudan m\u00fcdahale etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. 1907 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Ocak ay\u0131nda Tebriz Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019nin (Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019nin) yedi maddeden olu\u015fan talepleri saraya g\u00f6nderildi. Bu talepler aras\u0131nda \u00fclkede ilan edilen Anayasa\u2019ya uygun bir y\u00f6netim sisteminin kurulmas\u0131, \u00fclke \u00e7ap\u0131nda eyalet ve vilayet enc\u00fcmenlerinin olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 zarureti de vard\u0131. Tahta yeni \u00e7\u0131kan Muhammed Ali \u015eah davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla bu talepleri kabul etmeyece\u011fini, mutlak monar\u015fi prensiplerinden vazge\u00e7meyece\u011fini belirtti. \u015eah\u0131n bu tavr\u0131na itiraz i\u00e7in yeniden Tebriz pazar\u0131 ve ma\u011fazalar\u0131 kapat\u0131ld\u0131, sokak protestolar\u0131 ve mitingler d\u00fczenlendi. Tebriz\u2019den \u015eah saray\u0131na \u00f6fkeli telgraflar g\u00f6nderilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131. Tebriz ahalisi, Anayasa kanunlar\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe konmazsa, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019dan ayr\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 duyurdu. [6]<\/a> Meclis\u2019in Azerbaycan temsilcileri beste oturdular, bunun \u00fczerine Muhammed Ali \u015eah tekrar geri \u00e7ekilmek zorunda kald\u0131.<\/p>\n

Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni 1908 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ortalar\u0131na do\u011fru art\u0131k Azerbaycan\u2019da yerel y\u00f6netimi temsil eden as\u0131l organa, \u00fclke \u00e7ap\u0131nda etkili siyasi merkezlerden biri konumuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Rusya\u2019n\u0131n Tebriz\u2019deki diplomatik temsilcisi bu konuda \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cAzerbaycan\u2019da uzun zamandan beri, b\u00fct\u00fcn h\u00e2kimiyet yerel enc\u00fcmenin inisiyatifindedir. B\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130ran\u2019da b\u00fcy\u00fck n\u00fcfuza sahip olan bu enc\u00fcmenin [Azerbaycan Enc\u00fcmeni kastediliyor] Tahran\u2019daki b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini Meclis temsilcileri memnuniyetle kabul ediyorlar.\u201d [7]<\/a> \u00a0Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019nin, genellikle Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n Me\u015frutiyet devriminde birinci derecedeki rol\u00fc \u00f6zellikle kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci darbeden sonra daha a\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Gerekli haz\u0131rl\u0131k i\u015fleri yap\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra 1908 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Haziran ay\u0131nda Muhammed Ali \u015eah Meclis\u2019e ve devrimci enc\u00fcmenlere (ilk s\u0131rada Azerbaycan Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019ne) top ate\u015fi a\u00e7t\u0131rd\u0131, devrim liderlerini hapsetti veya s\u00fcrg\u00fcne g\u00f6ndertti. Tahran\u2019da kar\u015f\u0131 devrim darbesi b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130ran\u2019a yay\u0131ld\u0131, devrimin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 kaybedildi. \u015eah h\u00e2kimiyeti, Tebriz\u2019de de sald\u0131r\u0131ya ba\u015flad\u0131. Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni binas\u0131 da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131, bir\u00e7ok aktivist hapsedildi, direnenler \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Tebriz\u2019i ele ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in 40 bin askerden ibaret olan ordu birlikleri ve silahl\u0131 gruplar bir araya getirildi[8]<\/a>. Mutlakiyet taraf\u0131na ge\u00e7en \u0130slamiye Enc\u00fcmeni \u015fehir i\u00e7indeki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck ediyordu. \u015eah\u00e7\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin me\u015frutiyet\u00e7ileri s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n aras\u0131nda umutsuzlu\u011fun artt\u0131\u011f\u0131, devrimin yenilgi fikrinin h\u00e2kim k\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ortamda, Temmuz\u2019un 18\u2019inde Tebriz Sosyal-Demokrat te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n liderleriyle devrimci gruplar\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc Settar Han\u2019\u0131n [9]<\/a> birlikte d\u00fczenledikleri toplant\u0131da irticaya direnme karar\u0131 al\u0131nd\u0131. Toplant\u0131dan hemen sonra Settar Han az say\u0131daki taraftarlar\u0131 ile evlerin \u00e7at\u0131lar\u0131na as\u0131lan teslimiyet simgesi olan beyaz bayraklar\u0131 indirerek k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 bayraklar ast\u0131. Bu sembolik olay Me\u015frutiyet devriminin ilerlemesinde d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 oldu. Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni 12 ki\u015fiden ibaret \u00fcyeleriyle g\u00f6revine ba\u015flad\u0131. D\u00f6rt ay s\u00fcren \u015fiddetli \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar me\u015frutiyet\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7lerin zaferiyle sonu\u00e7land\u0131, Tebriz mutlakiyet\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7lerden temizlendi. Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni, Tebriz\u2019de ve baz\u0131 vilayetlerde kontrol\u00fc tam olarak ele ge\u00e7irdi. Tebriz isyanc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n Eyl\u00fcl-Ekim zaferleri yaln\u0131z Azerbaycan vilayetlerinde de\u011fil, \u00fclkenin merkezinde ve Gilan, \u0130sfahan, Horasan gibi \u00f6nemli eyaletlerinde de olumlu etki yaratt\u0131, Me\u015frutiyet taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden harekete ge\u00e7irdi.<\/p>\n

\u015eah as\u0131l g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc devrimin merkezi olan Tebriz\u2019in ele ge\u00e7irilmesine y\u00f6neltti. 1909 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Mart ay\u0131nda ku\u015fatmaya al\u0131nan Tebriz, art\u0131k a\u00e7l\u0131kla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni ile \u015eah saray\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u0130ngiliz ve Rus diplomatlar\u0131n\u0131n arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler ba\u015flad\u0131.\u00a0 Enc\u00fcmen bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7in Me\u015frutiyetin hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi, me\u015frutiyet\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7lerden silahlar\u0131n\u0131n al\u0131nmamas\u0131, devrimcilerin takibe u\u011framamas\u0131, devlet ordusunun Tebriz\u2019den uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, Azerbaycan valisinin halk\u0131n r\u0131zas\u0131 ile tayin edilmesinden olu\u015fan be\u015f \u015fart ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc. [10]<\/a> \u015eah g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri uzatarak zaman kazanmak, Tebriz\u2019in etraf\u0131na daha fazla asker\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7 toplamak, Tebriz\u2019i a\u00e7l\u0131kla bo\u011fmak istiyordu. 1909 y\u0131l\u0131 Nisan ay\u0131nda mutlakiyet\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7ler yeniden Tebriz \u00fczerine sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7tiler, \u015fiddetli \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara ra\u011fmen, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc direni\u015fle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131lar ve \u015fehri alamad\u0131lar. \u015eah, h\u00e2kimiyetini korumak i\u00e7in yabanc\u0131 m\u00fcdahaleden yararlanmaya mecbur kald\u0131. Tebriz\u2019e erzak getirmek, yabanc\u0131 vatanda\u015flar\u0131n hayat\u0131n\u0131 korumak bahanesiyle Rusya ordusu s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 ge\u00e7ip Tebriz\u2019e do\u011fru y\u00f6neldi. Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni direnmeme y\u00f6n\u00fcnde karar ald\u0131. Bununla birlikte Azerbaycan vilayetlerinin \u00e7o\u011funda enc\u00fcmenler yerel y\u00f6netim organ\u0131 gibi \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor ve Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019nin talimatlar\u0131n\u0131 yerine getiriyordu.<\/p>\n

Devrim merkezi Tebriz\u2019in i\u015fgaline ra\u011fmen, Muhammed Ali \u015eah h\u00e2kimiyetini koruyamad\u0131. Gilan ve \u0130sfahan\u2019dan devrimci g\u00fc\u00e7lerin Tahran \u00fczerine hareketinden sonra Muhammed Ali \u015eah\u2019\u0131n devrildi\u011fi ve 14 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki o\u011flu Sultan Ahmed\u2019in (1909-1925) \u015eah ilan edildi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131. \u0130kinci \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 \u0130ran Meclisi\u2019nin (1909-1911) kabul etti\u011fi h\u00fck\u00fcmet, \u00fclkede asayi\u015fin sa\u011flanmas\u0131n\u0131 esas amac\u0131 ilan etti. Bunun i\u00e7in me\u015frutiyet\u00e7ilerin silahs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na ba\u015fland\u0131. \u0130lk olarak Tebriz\u2019deki silahl\u0131 birliklerin etkisizle\u015ftirilmesi gerekmekteydi. Bu ama\u00e7la Me\u015frutiyet kahramanlar\u0131 Settar Han (Serdar-\u0131 Mill\u00ee)\u00a0 ve Ba\u011f\u0131r Han\u2019\u0131n (Salar-\u0131 Mill\u00ee) Tebriz\u2019den uzakla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 uygun g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. \u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri Bakan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n onlar\u0131 Tahran\u2019a davet mektuplar\u0131 ile birlikte, baz\u0131 resm\u00ee g\u00f6revlilerden tehdit mektuplar\u0131 da gelmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Settar Han Tahran\u2019a gitmekten imtina ediyordu. Fakat yeni bir fitnenin ya\u015fanmamas\u0131 ve Azerbaycan\u2019da yeniden kan d\u00f6k\u00fclmesinin \u00f6nlenmesi i\u00e7in Settar Han sonunda Tahran\u2019a gitmeye karar verdi. Tebriz\u2019de muhte\u015fem u\u011furlama, Tahran\u2019da ise ayn\u0131 ihti\u015famla kar\u015f\u0131lama t\u00f6renlerinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesine ra\u011fmen, k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede h\u00fck\u00fcmetin as\u0131l amac\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. 1910 y\u0131l\u0131 A\u011fustos ay\u0131nda Settar Han\u2019\u0131n az say\u0131daki silahl\u0131 grubu Atabey Park\u0131\u2019nda ku\u015fat\u0131larak, silahlar\u0131n\u0131 teslim etmeleri istendi. Bu talep reddedilince \u00e7ok say\u0131da h\u00fck\u00fcmet g\u00fcc\u00fc Yefrem Davidiyans\u2019\u0131n\u00a0 (Ta\u015fnak\u00a0 Partisi \u00fcyesi) komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda devrimin bu son kalesi \u00fczerine h\u00fccuma ge\u00e7tiler. Parka her taraftan top ate\u015fi a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131. Settar Han\u2019\u0131n grubundan 18 ki\u015fi \u00f6ld\u00fc, 40 ki\u015fi yaraland\u0131. Settar Han da yaral\u0131lar aras\u0131ndayd\u0131. [11]<\/a>Me\u015frutiyet kahramanlar\u0131 Tebriz\u2019e d\u00f6nmek istediler ancak Tahran h\u00fck\u00fcmeti buna izin vermedi. Settar Han ve Ba\u011f\u0131r Han Tahran\u2019da s\u00fcrg\u00fcn hayat\u0131 ya\u015famaya mecbur edildiler. Bu olay Tebriz\u2019i ve b\u00fct\u00fcn Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 \u00f6fkelendirdi. Rus ordusunun Azerbaycan\u2019da yerle\u015fmesi Me\u015frutiyet\u00e7ileri faaliyetlerinden geri ad\u0131m atmaya sevk etmesine ra\u011fmen, Azerbaycan\u2019da hareket devam etmekteydi. Tebriz\u2019e tayin edilen eyalet valisinin bask\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Tebriz ahalisi valinin istifas\u0131n\u0131 talep etti. Meclis, Tebriz ahalisinin talebini kabul etmek zorunda kald\u0131. 1911 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni, Merend, Hoy, Urmu ve diger vilayet enc\u00fcmenleri i\u00e7in yeni se\u00e7imler yap\u0131ld\u0131. [12]<\/a><\/p>\n

Muhammed Ali \u015eah\u2019\u0131n yeniden h\u00e2kimiyetini kurma \u00e7abas\u0131 ba\u015fkentte oldu\u011fu gibi Azerbaycan\u2019da da \u015fiddetli direni\u015fle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. 1911 y\u0131l\u0131 A\u011fustos ay\u0131n\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda irticac\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler Tebriz\u2019e sald\u0131rd\u0131lar. \u015eiddetli \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar sonunda Tebriz\u2019in savunucular\u0131 bu g\u00fc\u00e7leri geri \u00e7ekilmek zorunda b\u0131rakt\u0131lar. Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni durumu tekrar kontrol alt\u0131na ald\u0131. ABD\u2019li m\u00fc\u015favirlerin \u00fclkeden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 konusunda Rusya\u2019n\u0131n talebi ve bu talebin \u0130ngiltere taraf\u0131ndan savunulmas\u0131 Kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda \u00fclkede yeni bir siyasi kriz yaratt\u0131. Tahran\u2019da Meclis kapat\u0131ld\u0131, yeni h\u00fck\u00fcmet Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u00fcltimatomunu kabul etti. Fakat Tebriz ahalisi yine de teslim olmak istemedi. Aral\u0131k ay\u0131n\u0131n 20 ile 28. g\u00fcnleri aras\u0131nda Tebriz\u2019de Rus ordusuyla yerel me\u015frutiyet\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar ba\u015flad\u0131. Yeni Rus ordusunun \u015fehre getirilmesinden sonra Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni direni\u015fin durdurulmas\u0131na karar verdi. Rus ordusu \u015fehri da\u011f\u0131t\u0131p, devrimcileri toplu \u015fekilde hapsetti, Me\u015frutiyet hareketinin onlarca aktif kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Bununla Me\u015frutiyet devrimi Azerbaycan\u2019da da son buldu.<\/p>\n

G\u00fcney Azerbaycan ahalisi Me\u015frutiyet hareketine en aktif \u015fekilde i\u015ftirak etti. Tebriz\u2019in devrim merkez\u00ee rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi sonraki resm\u00ee \u0130ran tarih\u00e7ili\u011finde de yer ald\u0131. Bu aktifli\u011fin nedenleri aras\u0131nda tarih literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n o d\u00f6nemde \u00fclkenin di\u011fer eyaletlerine k\u0131yasla ekonomik-ticar\u00ee bak\u0131mdan daha geli\u015fmi\u015f olmas\u0131, Azerbaycan ahalisinin siyasi bak\u0131mdan daha aktif olan Kafkasyal\u0131larla ili\u015fkilerinin s\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131, burada ya\u015fayan binlerce insan\u0131n siyasi tecr\u00fcbesi g\u00f6sterilebilir. [13]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu nedenler aras\u0131na Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n siyasi a\u00e7\u0131dan Me\u015frutiyet devrimini k\u0131smen haz\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lamas\u0131n\u0131 da ilave edebiliriz. 19. yy.\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda Tebriz\u2019de yukar\u0131da ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en \u2018\u0130slamiye Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019 adl\u0131 te\u015fkilat kurulmu\u015ftu. Bu te\u015fkilat esasen orta ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 dereceli ruhanilerden olu\u015fuyor, din\u00ee merasimlerde siyasi meseleler m\u00fczakere ediliyordu. 1900 y\u0131l\u0131nda Tebriz\u2019in maarif\u00e7i ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 Azerbaycan Maarif Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019ni kurdular. Bu enc\u00fcmende de \u00e7e\u015fitli siyasi meseleler g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Azerbaycan\u2019da Me\u015frutiyet devriminin devam etmesinde en aktif \u015fekilde i\u015ftirak eden Tebriz \u0130ctimaiyun-Amiyun (Sosyal Demokrat) te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n ilk k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck gruplar\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktayd\u0131. 1903 y\u0131l\u0131nda yeni g\u00fcmr\u00fck tarife sistemine kar\u015f\u0131 hareket Azerbaycan\u2019da daha tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 ge\u00e7ti. Yeni g\u00fcmr\u00fck anla\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n kabul\u00fcne \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Ba\u015fbakan Emin\u00fcssultan Atabey\u2019i Necef ruhanilerinin dinsiz ilan etmelerinden sonra Tebriz\u2019de intibahnameler [bildiriler] da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131. Pazar ve ma\u011fazalar kapand\u0131, itiraz eden kitle, b\u00fct\u00fcn yabanc\u0131 g\u00fcmr\u00fck m\u00fc\u015favirlerinin \u00fclkeden kovulmas\u0131n\u0131 talep etti. Ruhanilerin talepleri aras\u0131nda meyhanelerin, otellerin, ayn\u0131 zamanda modern tedrisat\u0131n uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 okullar\u0131n da kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 yer al\u0131yordu. Veliaht Muhammed Ali Mirza yaz\u0131l\u0131 olarak Bel\u00e7ikal\u0131 g\u00fcmr\u00fck m\u00fc\u015faviri Prim\u2019i \u015fehirden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131,\u00a0 meyhanelerin, otellerin ve yeni okullar\u0131n kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 konusunda talimat verdi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131[14]<\/a>. Ruhaniler, Veliaht\u2019\u0131n yaz\u0131l\u0131 talimat\u0131n\u0131 beklemeden \u015fehirdeki meyhaneleri, otelleri ve yeni okullar\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131lar. Onlarca ki\u015finin hapis ve s\u00fcrg\u00fcn edilmesine ra\u011fmen, bu olay toplumun siyasile\u015fmesini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi.<\/p>\n

Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n Me\u015frutiyet devrimine aktif \u015fekilde i\u015ftirakinin sebepleri aras\u0131nda Veliaht Muhammed Ali Mirza\u2019n\u0131n valisi oldu\u011fu eyaletle m\u00fcnasebeti g\u00f6sterilebilir. Me\u015frutiyet devrimini do\u011frudan g\u00f6zlemlemi\u015f ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te aktif rol oynam\u0131\u015f olan M. Emin Resulzade, Veliaht Muhammed Ali Mirza\u2019n\u0131n Azerbaycan\u2019la daima gergin bir ili\u015fki i\u00e7erisinde oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7eker. Resulzade yaz\u0131yor ki, Muzafferiddin \u015eah\u2019\u0131n vefat\u0131ndan sonra o\u011flu Muhammed Ali \u015eah babas\u0131n\u0131n hilaf\u0131na olarak Azerbaycan\u2019a adavet (husumet) besledi. Fakat bu adavetin semeresini g\u00f6rmekte gecikmedi.\u00a0 Kanun-i Esasi\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 isyan eden bu inat\u00e7\u0131 \u015eah, kendine kar\u015f\u0131 elde silah olarak Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 buldu. Muhammed Ali\u2019nin veliahtl\u0131\u011f\u0131 devri de, Resulzade\u2019ye g\u00f6re, \u201cAzerbaycan tarih-i ihtikar\u0131n\u0131n [yolsuzlu\u011funun] en vah\u015fet-nak bir devrini te\u015fkil eylemi\u015ftir.\u201d[15]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00dclke tarihinde ilk defa olarak Esas Kanun\u2019un (anayasan\u0131n) kabul\u00fc ve mutlakiyetten anayasal\u0131 monar\u015fi y\u00f6netim sistemine ge\u00e7i\u015f, geleneksel a\u015firet (tayfa) devletinden modern devlete ge\u00e7i\u015fin g\u00f6stericisi idi. Bu, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130ran ahalisinin genel kazan\u0131m\u0131yd\u0131. Fakat ahalinin \u00e7ok etnikli yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n Esas Kanuna yans\u0131mamas\u0131, Fars etnisitesinin diline fazlas\u0131yla stat\u00fc verilmesi, \u015eiili\u011fi resm\u00ee devlet mezhebi ilan etmek vs. Me\u015frutiyet devriminden hemen sonra \u00fclkede ciddi sorunlar yaratacakt\u0131. Bu ba\u011flamda, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n, genellikle T\u00fcrklerin Me\u015frutiyet devriminde bu kadar aktif rol oynamas\u0131 ve bu u\u011furda verdi\u011fi binlerce kurban\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kazanc\u0131 oldu mu, olduysa bu kazan\u0131mlar nelerdi?<\/p>\n

Yukar\u0131da da belirtildi\u011fi \u00fczere, \u00fclkede ilk siyasi enc\u00fcmen 1906 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Eyl\u00fcl ay\u0131nda Tebriz\u2019de kuruldu. Enc\u00fcmene \u015fehir ahalisi t\u00fcccar, sanat\u00e7\u0131, aristokrat, ruhaniler, toprak sahiplerinden olu\u015fan 20 ki\u015filik bir heyet se\u00e7ti. Bu heyette Tebriz\u2019in ba\u015f m\u00fc\u00e7tehidi Hac\u0131 Mirza Hasan, toprak sahipleri Nizam\u00fcddevle, Besir\u00fcssaltane, Melik\u00fctt\u00fcccar, t\u00fcccar Mehdi A\u011fa Kuzekunani ve di\u011ferleri yer ald\u0131lar. Enc\u00fcmen\u2019in toplant\u0131lar\u0131na esnaf ve zanaatkarlar\u0131n temsilcileri de kat\u0131l\u0131yorlard\u0131. Enc\u00fcmen\u2019in ilk ba\u015fkan\u0131 Hac\u0131 Nizam\u00fcddevle se\u00e7ildi. [16]<\/a>Tebriz Enc\u00fcmeni daha sonra Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni olarak faaliyet g\u00f6sterdi ve Me\u015frutiyet hareketi d\u00f6neminde siyasi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin merkezinde yer ald\u0131. 1907 y\u0131l\u0131 May\u0131s-Haziran aylar\u0131nda birinci meclis eyalet ve vilayet enc\u00fcmenleri hakk\u0131nda kanun tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ferek 122 maddeden ibaret olan kanunu kabul etti. Bu kanunda enc\u00fcmenlerin kurulu\u015f sistemi, yetkileri, eyalet ve vilayetlerin b\u00fct\u00e7eleri, vilayet enc\u00fcmenlerinin kurulu\u015fuyla ilgili b\u00f6l\u00fcmler yer al\u0131yordu. Bu ba\u011flamda, eyalet enc\u00fcmenlerinin yetkileriyle ilgili b\u00f6l\u00fcm \u00f6zellikle dikkat \u00e7ekicidir. 87. madde eyalet enc\u00fcmenlerine yeterince geni\u015f yetki tan\u0131yordu: kanunlar\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7irilmesini denetleme,\u00a0 eyalet i\u015fleri ile ilgili kararlar\u0131n kabul edilmesi, eyaletin ekonomisi, g\u00fcvenli\u011fi ve refah\u0131na ait konular\u0131n belirlenmesi. Eyalet enc\u00fcmenleri valilerle ilgili \u015fik\u00e2yetleri m\u00fczakere edip valilerin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda kanuna ayk\u0131r\u0131 haller tespit edildi\u011fi takdirde, valiyi uyarma yetkisine sahiptiler. Uyar\u0131lar etkisiz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, enc\u00fcmenler sorunu \u00fclkenin merkez\u00ee devlet organlar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131yabilirlerdi. (89. madde). Eyalet enc\u00fcmeninin yetki alan\u0131na vergilerin toplanmas\u0131 ve harcanmas\u0131n\u0131n denetlenmesi (91. madde), gerekti\u011finde ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc yerel vergilerin belirlenmesi (94. madde) de dahildi. Bu kanuna g\u00f6re eyalet ve vilayet b\u00fct\u00e7eleri vali taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlense de, enc\u00fcmenler b\u00fct\u00e7e tasar\u0131s\u0131nda gerekli de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri yapt\u0131ktan sonra onaylay\u0131p son onay i\u00e7in Maliye Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6ndermeliydi (112. madde). Vali her y\u0131l\u0131n birinci ay\u0131nda enc\u00fcmene ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 maliye hesab\u0131 vermeliydi (113. madde). [17]<\/a> Bu kanun eyalet ve vilayet enc\u00fcmenlerine yerel y\u00f6netim organlar\u0131 rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynamak i\u00e7in yeterince yetki veriyor ve Me\u015frutiyet devrimi s\u00fcrecinde, \u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni bu yetkilerden yeterince yararlan\u0131p k\u0131sa aral\u0131klarla eyalette ger\u00e7ek y\u00f6netim organ\u0131 oldu. Eyalet ve vilayet enc\u00fcmenleri d\u00f6nemin \u0130ran devletinin \u2018Memalik-i Mahruse-yi Ka\u00e7ar\u2019 ilkesinden kaynaklan\u0131yordu (ger\u00e7i bu ilke anayasada yeralm\u0131yordu). Enc\u00fcmen, \u0130ran\u2019daki halklar\u0131n \u00f6nemli ve tek demokratik ve mill\u00ee ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131ndan biri say\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7ok milletli \u0130ran\u2019da milletleraras\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n yumu\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131, hatta sonralar\u0131 halledilmesinde hassas rol oynama potansiyeline sahipti (Me\u015frutiyet devriminin yenilgisinden sonra bu demokratik y\u00f6netim kurumu la\u011fvedildi, uygun kanun ise y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girmedi).<\/p>\n

Enc\u00fcmenler yerel y\u00f6netim ve \u00f6zerklik organlar\u0131 gibi \u00f6nemli imk\u00e2nlara sahip olmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, merkezin kanunsuz ve b\u00f6lgeleri dikkate almayan y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 mill\u00ee \u00f6zerklik organlar\u0131 olamad\u0131lar. Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni\u2019nin ve yerel vilayet enc\u00fcmenlerinin yerel dil, yerel k\u00fclt\u00fcr hakk\u0131nda herhangi bir karar\u0131n\u0131n olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilinmemektedir. Enc\u00fcmen\u2019in yay\u0131n organ\u0131 olan Enc\u00fcmen gazetesi Fars\u00e7a yay\u0131nlan\u0131yor, \u00e7e\u015fitli organlar\u0131n ad\u0131ndaki mill\u00ee s\u00f6z\u00fc umum-mill\u00ee, genel-\u0130ran anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Devrim s\u00fcrecinde Azerbaycan\u2019da aktif rol oynayan \u0130ctimaiyun-Amiyun (M\u00fccahit) Partisi\u2019nin [18]<\/a>belgelerinde mill\u00ee-etnik mesele ile ilgili hi\u00e7bir kay\u0131t yoktur. [19]<\/a>Bu d\u00f6nemde Tahran\u2019da kurulan, Tebriz\u2019de de yerel \u015fubesi bulunan \u0130ran Demokrat Partisi, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u00e7ok milletli yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmiyor, her vas\u0131tayla d\u0131\u015f ve i\u00e7 b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn korunmas\u0131 zaruretinden bahsediyordu. [20]<\/a> Bu partinin kurulmas\u0131nda yerel T\u00fcrkler \u00f6nemli rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131: partinin ger\u00e7ek lideri Seyid Hasan Takizade idi. Bu partinin Tahran\u2019daki \u0130ran-i Nev gazetesinin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan simas\u0131 M. Emin Resulzade, Tebriz\u2019deki \u015eafak gazetesinin ise daha sonralar\u0131 Pan-\u0130ranistlerin \u00f6nemli temsilcisi olan Mirza Hac\u0131a\u011fa R\u0131zazade (sonralar\u0131 R\u0131zazade-\u015eafak) idi. H\u00fcseyin \u00dcmid\u2019e g\u00f6re, Me\u015frutiyet devrimi d\u00f6neminde Azerbaycan\u2019da 50\u2019ye yak\u0131n gazete ve dergi yay\u0131mland\u0131. Bunlardan 8 tanesi T\u00fcrk\u00e7e-Fars\u00e7a iki dilli, bir tanesi T\u00fcrk\u00e7e, di\u011ferleri ise Fars\u00e7a ne\u015fredildi. [21]<\/a> Tahran\u2019da bas\u0131lan bir\u00e7ok gazetenin kurucusu ve redakt\u00f6r\u00fc de T\u00fcrklerdendi. Yap\u0131lan ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar g\u00f6steriyor ki bu bas\u0131n organlar\u0131nda bir kural olarak genel \u0130ran sorunlar\u0131na de\u011finilmi\u015f, T\u00fcrkl\u00fck meseleleri sayfalarda yer almam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r[22]<\/a>. Me\u015frutiyet devrimi arifesinde \u0130stanbul\u2019dan memleketi \u015eeb\u00fcster\u2019e giden gen\u00e7 \u015fair Mirza Ali M\u00f6c\u00fcz\u2019\u00fcn ana dilinde kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fiirlerini Tebriz gazetelerinin yay\u0131mlamamas\u0131 \u201cM\u00f6c\u00fcz\u2019\u00fc Me\u015frutiyet hareketinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, daha do\u011frusu onu bu devrim lehinde yazmaktan al\u0131koymu\u015ftur.\u201d [23]<\/a><\/p>\n

Me\u015frutiyet devriminden en k\u00e2rl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan Farslar olmu\u015ftur. Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce Farslar\u0131n on y\u0131llarca al\u0131\u015famad\u0131klar\u0131 Ka\u00e7ar h\u00e2kimiyeti zay\u0131flad\u0131. \u00dclke y\u00f6netiminde zaten b\u00fcy\u00fck a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan Fars b\u00fcrokrasisinin rol\u00fc daha da artt\u0131. 1907 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n A\u011fustos ay\u0131nda Tebrizli Abbas A\u011fa\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015fbakan\u0131 katletmesinden memnun olan Fars \u015fairlerinden Fehr\u00fc\u2019l-Vaiz, Ka\u00e7ar h\u00e2kimiyetini Fars devlet\u00e7ili\u011fine yabanc\u0131, hatta d\u00fc\u015fman g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Bir \u015fiirinde g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle ifade ediyor: \u201cT\u00fcrk, \u0130ran as\u0131ll\u0131lara eyleyip t\u00f6hmet, Firudin m\u00fclk\u00fcn\u00fc, Cem\u015fid\u2019in cam\u0131n\u0131 ald\u0131.\u201d [24]<\/a>Islahat\u00e7\u0131 modernist \u00e7evrelerin Hindistan\u2019da yay\u0131mlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etkili Habl\u00fclmetin gazetesinde devrim s\u00fcrecinde (12 Kas\u0131m 1906) E\u011fitim Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na hitaben yaz\u0131lan makalede \u015fu ifadeler dikkat \u00e7ekmektedir; Toplum kendisini yaln\u0131z tek bir millete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde modernle\u015ftirebilir, \u00fclkedeki toplumlar\u0131n tek bir millete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi de ancak ortak gelenek, inan\u00e7 ve \u00f6zellikleriyle birle\u015febilmesinde yatar. Makale \u015fu ifadelerle devam ediyor: \u201cBaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015f olarak iddia etti\u011fi gibi, yaln\u0131z monar\u015fiye sadakat yetmez.\u201d Bu ba\u011flar\u0131n olmamas\u0131 toplumu b\u00f6ler ve modernle\u015fmeyi \u00f6nler. Makale-m\u00fcraciat m\u00fcellifleri \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na gelen facialar\u0131 buradaki T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile izah etmek gibi kat\u0131 \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 bir sonuca var\u0131rlar: \u201cBizim \u015fimdiki zavall\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n k\u00f6kleri Mo\u011fol ve Tatar sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na dayan\u0131r. Sevgili Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131m\u0131za bir yabanc\u0131 dil dayat\u0131ld\u0131. Ahalimiz Fars ve T\u00fcrk dillilere b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc.\u201d Di\u011fer bir b\u00f6l\u00fcmde Hebl\u00fclmetin, \u201c\u00fclkede \u00e7ok dillilik varolduk\u00e7a, onun ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil Esas Kanun, hatta cumhuriyet y\u00f6netimi bile koruyamaz.\u201d diye yazar.<\/p>\n

Farslar\u2019\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlukta oldu\u011fu \u015eii ruhanilerinin \u00fcst kesimleri 19. yy boyunca artan n\u00fcfuzlar\u0131n\u0131 yeni anayasada g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdiler. Bu kesim, devrimin ba\u015flar\u0131nda aktif \u015fekilde s\u00fcre\u00e7lere kat\u0131ld\u0131. \u015eah saray\u0131 ile m\u00fchalif kitle aras\u0131nda arac\u0131 olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Tahran m\u00fc\u00e7tehitleri Seyid Muhammed Tabataba\u00ee, Seyid Abdullah Behbehan\u00ee ve \u015eeyh Fazlullah Nur\u00ee n\u00fcfuzlar\u0131ndan yararlanarak yeni anayasada ruhanilerin y\u00fcksek sosyal-siyasi stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn ifade olunmas\u0131na \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Bu nedenle, Anayasaya \u0130laveler tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 memnuniyetsizlikle kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131lar. Ruhanilerin \u00fcst kesimleri Anayasay\u0131 tamam\u0131 ile \u015feriata ba\u011flamay\u0131, b\u00f6ylelikle \u00fclkenin toplumsalsiyasi hayat\u0131nda kendilerinin denetimini sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Feodal aristokrasi ve \u015eah saray\u0131 ile yak\u0131n ili\u015fkileri olan \u015eeyh Fazlullah bu tasar\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zel bir propaganda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyordu. [25]<\/a>Ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u00f6z konusu tasar\u0131ya bir maddenin de ilave edilmesinde \u0131srar ediyordu. Bu maddeye g\u00f6re, ruhanilerden olu\u015fan \u00f6zel bir komisyon kanun tasar\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ve meclis kararlar\u0131n\u0131n \u015feriata uygun olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tespit etmeli, bununla da Meclis her ad\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ruhanilerin \u00fcst kesiminin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyle uygunla\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131yd\u0131. [26]<\/a>1907 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Ekim ay\u0131nda kabul edilen (1925 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Aral\u0131k ay\u0131nda k\u0131smen de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015f) Anayasaya \u0130laveler\u2019de \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n resm\u00ee mezhebi – 12 imaml\u0131 Caferi mezhebi kabul edildi (1. madde). \u0130lavelerin 2. maddesi \u015fu \u015fekilde tanzim edildi: \u201cMeclis\u2019in kanunlar\u0131 \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n kutsal kurallar\u0131na ayk\u0131r\u0131 olmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu kanunlar\u0131n \u0130slam esaslar\u0131na uygun olmas\u0131n\u0131 alimler belirler.\u201d\u00a0 Bunun i\u00e7in 5 y\u00fcksek ruhaniden ibaret bir komite olu\u015fturulmal\u0131yd\u0131. Bu komitenin kurulu\u015f \u015fekli 2. maddede a\u00e7\u0131klanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. [27]<\/a>Enc\u00fcmenler hakk\u0131nda kanun tasar\u0131s\u0131 da ruhanilerin kesin direni\u015fiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. 1907 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Mart ay\u0131nda Meclis\u2019teki konu\u015fmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda m\u00fc\u00e7tehit A\u011fa Seyid Muhammed \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cBu enc\u00fcmenler nas\u0131l bir \u015feydir? Onlar ne i\u015fe yarar? Bir \u00fclkede y\u00fczlerce parlamento olmaz. Meclis olan yerde bu enc\u00fcmenlere gerek yok. Enc\u00fcmenler \u00fclkede kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131k ve anla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011fa neden olur, yarar\u0131 da yoktur… Bu enc\u00fcmenler hatta ruhanilerin de i\u015fine kar\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar…\u201d[28]<\/a><\/p>\n

Farslar\u0131n Me\u015frutiyet\u2019ten elde etti\u011fi en b\u00fcy\u00fck kazan\u0131mlardan biri de Fars dilini bilmenin meclise ve enc\u00fcmenlere se\u00e7ilmek i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir \u015fart olmas\u0131 idi. Bu \u015fart meclis se\u00e7imleri hakk\u0131ndaki kanunda (4. madde),\u00a0 ayn\u0131 zamanda eyalet ve vilayet enc\u00fcmenleri hakk\u0131ndaki kanunda (9. madde) yer ald\u0131[29]<\/a>. Devrim s\u00fcrecinde ahalisinin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun Farslardan olu\u015ftu\u011fu Tahran\u2019a eyaletlere k\u0131yasla haddinden fazla temsilci ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 da bu halka \u00fcst\u00fcn stat\u00fc tan\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rne\u011fi say\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Tahran\u2019dan se\u00e7ilecek 60 meclis \u00fcyesi birinci meclisin \u00fcyelerinin (toplam 200 kadar) \u00f6nemli b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturuyordu. Halbuki Tahran ahalisinden 6-7 kat fazla olan Azerbaycan eyaletinin ahalisine toplam 12 \u00fcyelik ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130kinci meclis se\u00e7imleri hakk\u0131ndaki kanunda de\u011fi\u015fiklik yap\u0131ld\u0131. Art\u0131k Azerbaycan eyaletine 21 temsilci verilirken, Tahran\u2019a ayr\u0131lan temsilcilerin say\u0131s\u0131 ise kesin \u015fekilde azalt\u0131larak 60\u2019dan 15\u2019e d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. [30]<\/a><\/p>\n

Azerbaycan T\u00fcrk\u00fcn\u00fcn Me\u015frutiyet devrimine kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 konusunu inceledi\u011fimizde bu devrimi onlar i\u00e7in yitirilmi\u015f f\u0131rsatlar olarak de\u011ferlendirmek zorunday\u0131z. M. Emin Resulzade 1911 y\u0131l\u0131nda bu konuda \u015funlar\u0131 yazmaktad\u0131r: \u201cT\u00fcrk ink\u0131lap\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131, T\u00fcrk mebuslar\u0131, T\u00fcrk enc\u00fcmenleri dedi\u011fimizde bunlar\u0131n mahz T\u00fcrkl\u00fck nam\u0131na hareket ettikleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmesin. \u0130ran T\u00fcrk me\u015frutiyetperverleri T\u00fcrkl\u00fcklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmediler; b\u00fct\u00fcn fedakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ancak \u0130ranl\u0131l\u0131k ve vatan-i m\u00fc\u015fterek nam\u0131na icra etmi\u015flerdir.\u201d[31]<\/a> \u00c7ok sonralar\u0131 Tebrizli Ali Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n ve T\u00fcrklerin Me\u015frutiyet devrimindeki i\u015ftirakine sembolik, ancak manidar bir a\u00e7\u0131klama getirmi\u015ftir: \u201cMe\u015frutiyette biz yorga gittik, onlar bindiler…\u201d[32]<\/a><\/p>\n

1920 Tebriz isyan\u0131: Ne i\u00e7in? Ama\u00e7 mill\u00ee mi,\u2019umum-mill\u00ee mi\u2019?<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Yukar\u0131da kaydedildi\u011fi gibi, G\u00fcney Azerbaycan 1909 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Nisan ay\u0131nda Rus ordusu taraf\u0131ndan i\u015fgal edilmi\u015fti. 1911 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n sonunda Mara\u011fa ayan\u0131 Samed Han \u015e\u00fcca\u00fcddevle eyalet valisi olarak atand\u0131. O, me\u015frutiyet\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 ac\u0131mas\u0131z davran\u0131yor, yerel irticay\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendiriyordu. \u015e\u00fcca\u00fcddevle, eyalette tam bir bask\u0131 rejimi kurmu\u015ftu. Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u0131srar\u0131 ile bu vazifeye getirilen ve Rusya temsilcilerinin talimat\u0131yla hareket eden \u015e\u00fcca\u00fcddevle, merkez\u00ee Tahran y\u00f6netimini dinlemiyor, hatta yabanc\u0131 protektorlar\u0131n\u0131n yard\u0131m\u0131 ile eyaletin arazisini Gilan ve Zencan aleyhine geni\u015fletmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. [33]<\/a>Tebriz\u2019deki Rusya ba\u015fkonsoloslu\u011fu, Urmiye ve Erdebil\u2019deki konsolosluklar eyaletin i\u00e7 i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015f\u0131yor, Rus vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131 koruma bahanesiyle b\u00f6lgeyi ekonomik y\u00f6nden Rusya\u2019ya ba\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Bundan yararlanan Kafkasyal\u0131 i\u015f adamlar\u0131 eyaletin iktisad\u00ee hayat\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. \u00d6te yandan, yerel zengin kitlenin Rusya vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ge\u00e7mesi s\u00fcrat kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131[34]<\/a>. 1909 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Mart ay\u0131ndan 1910 Mart\u2019\u0131na kadar ge\u00e7en d\u00f6nemde Azerbaycan eyaletine getirilen \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin %90\u2019\u0131 Rusya\u2019dan al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, b\u00f6lgeden ihra\u00e7 edilen \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin %93\u2019\u00fc de Rusya\u2019ya g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. [35]<\/a>Rusya\u2019n\u0131n Tebriz\u2019e tayin etti\u011fi yeni ba\u015fkonsolos, Vali \u015e\u00fcca\u00fcddevle hakk\u0131nda merkeze \u015fu bilgiyi veriyordu: \u201c\u00dc\u00e7 ayl\u0131k pratik deneyimim g\u00f6steriyor ki, \u015e\u00fcca\u00fcddevle gibi kukla bir vali bulmak zordur. En do\u011frusu onun g\u00f6revde kalmas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d[36]<\/a><\/p>\n

Tebriz\u2019de Fars\u00e7a yay\u0131nlanan Fikir ve Tofik gazeteleri \u015e\u00fcca\u00fcddevle\u2019yi ve Rusya\u2019y\u0131 \u00f6vmekle me\u015fguld\u00fc. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Meclis se\u00e7imleri d\u00f6nemi (Aral\u0131k 1914) Tofik gazetesinin sayfalar\u0131nda Me\u015frutiyeti g\u00f6zden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcren, hatta onu la\u011fvetmeye y\u00f6nelik makaleler yay\u0131nlan\u0131yordu. Gazete, e\u011fer merkez\u00ee y\u00f6netim Azerbaycan\u2019da se\u00e7imlerin yap\u0131lmas\u0131nda \u0131srar ederse, Azerbaycan, \u0130ran\u2019dan ayr\u0131lmak zorunda kal\u0131r y\u00f6n\u00fcnde fikirler ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. [37]<\/a>Merkez\u00ee y\u00f6netimden ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerinden soyutlanan Azerbaycan\u2019daki feodal ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, yaln\u0131z yerel \u00f6nc\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7lerini de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fclkede etkili merkez\u00ee y\u00f6netim isteyen g\u00fc\u00e7leri de korkutuyordu. Bu durum Anayasan\u0131n talebi olan eyalet ve vilayetlerde yerel y\u00f6netimler, ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, yerel \u00f6zerklik ilkesini de itibars\u0131z k\u0131l\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015flamas\u0131yla Tahran\u2019daki \u2018me\u015frutiyet\u00e7i y\u00f6netim\u2019 (Ka\u00e7ar saray\u0131n\u0131n \u00fclkenin idaresindeki rol\u00fc azd\u0131) daha da etkisizle\u015fti. Tahran h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin sava\u015fta tarafs\u0131z olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etmesine ra\u011fmen, \u0130ran arazisi sava\u015fan taraflar\u0131n askeri operasyon alan\u0131 oldu. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lere (Rusya ve Britanya) ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 daha da artt\u0131. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n n\u00fcfuz alanlar\u0131na b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesini i\u00e7eren 1907 tarihli Rusya-Britanya anla\u015fmas\u0131 1915 y\u0131l\u0131nda tekrar ele al\u0131nd\u0131, \u2018Tarafs\u0131z b\u00f6lge\u2019 Britanya\u2019n\u0131n n\u00fcfuz dairesine dahil edildi. \u00d6te yandan, Almanya da \u0130ran \u00fczerinde n\u00fcfuz sahibi olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor, Tahran\u2019daki siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc (ilk olarak \u0130ran Demokrat Partisi\u2019ni) kendi taraf\u0131na \u00e7ekmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. S\u0131k s\u0131k de\u011fi\u015fen merkez\u00ee h\u00fck\u00fcmetler \u00fclkede istikrar\u0131 sa\u011flayam\u0131yordu. Tarih\u00ee kaynaklarda ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 ile yer alan bu h\u00e2kimiyet krizi konusundan \u00f6nce \u00fclkede ve Azerbaycan\u2019da ideolojik-siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce meseleleri \u00fczerinde durmak ara\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131z i\u00e7in daha yararl\u0131 olabilir.<\/p>\n

Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve tek par\u00e7a bir \u0130ran devletinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 meselesi Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 d\u00f6neminde g\u00fcndemdeydi. Kamuoyunu ilgilendiren esas mesele bu krizden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolunun bulunmas\u0131yd\u0131. \u00dclkenin gelece\u011fiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler ortaya at\u0131l\u0131yordu. 20. yy.\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndan itibaren geli\u015fmekte olan Pan-\u0130ranizm\u2019in \u2013 \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, yabanc\u0131 devletlerin bask\u0131lar\u0131ndan kurtar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve modernle\u015fmesini isteyen ideolojik-siyasi ak\u0131m\u0131n taraftarlar\u0131 faaliyetlerini g\u00fc\u00e7lendiriyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Me\u015frutiyet devriminin yenilgiye u\u011framas\u0131ndan sonra \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki bas\u0131n \u0130ran milleti olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumu tek \u0130ran etnik birli\u011fi<\/em>ne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in somut d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler ileri s\u00fcrmeye, Fars olmayanlar meselesinde daha sald\u0131rgan bir tutum sergilemeye ba\u015flad\u0131. T\u00fcrklerin Farsla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 fikri daha a\u00e7\u0131k \u015fekilde talep edildi. Olay\u0131n dramatik ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc taraf\u0131 daha \u00f6nemlidir. Bu bas\u0131n organlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funun kurucu ve yazarlar\u0131 Azerbaycan T\u00fcrklerinden n\u00fcfuzlu insanlard\u0131. Seyid Hasan Takizade Kave gazetesini Berlin\u2019de tesis etmi\u015f (1916), bu gazete 1924 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar Fars \u015fovenizmi ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini yaym\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. H\u00fcseyin Kaz\u0131mzade-\u0130ran\u015fehr\u2019in kurdu\u011fu di\u011fer bir organ \u2013 \u0130ran\u015fehr dergisi de ayn\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri yaymaktayd\u0131. Mahmud Af\u015far Yezdi\u2019nin k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra kurdu\u011fu Ayende dergisi de Pan-\u0130ranizm\u2019in ideolojik yap\u0131lanmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli rol oynad\u0131. Mahmud Af\u015far\u2019a g\u00f6re, vatanda\u015flar kendilerini ilk \u00f6nce \u0130ranl\u0131 de\u011fil, T\u00fcrk, Arap, K\u00fcrt, Bahtiyari veya T\u00fcrkmen olarak ifade ettikleri s\u00fcrece \u0130ran devleti da\u011f\u0131l\u0131r. Bunun i\u00e7in de \u2018az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n dillerini, b\u00f6lgecilik duygular\u0131n\u0131, boy-soy ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmal\u0131, Fars dili ve \u0130ran tarihini eyaletlere g\u00f6t\u00fcrmeliyiz.\u2019 [38]<\/a>\u0130\u015fte bu d\u00f6nemde Arif Kazvini adl\u0131 tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u015fair \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cT\u00fcrk\u00fcn dilini \u00e7ekip \u00e7\u0131karmak gerek; bu dilin aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00fclkeden kesmek ve Fars diliyle d\u00f6rt nala Aras\u2019\u0131 ge\u00e7mek uygundur; ey seher Nesimi, kalk ve Tebrizlilere de ki, Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u2019\u00fcn ana yurdu Cengiz\u2019in yurdu de\u011fildir.\u201d[39]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00dclke dahilindeki, \u00f6zellikle d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u0130ran muhalefeti ilk defa olarak h\u00e2kim monar\u015fi ile \u0130ran devleti anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 ay\u0131rd\u0131, hatta onlar\u0131 birbirine kar\u015f\u0131 getirdi. Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131 \u0130ran milletine yabanc\u0131 olan, d\u0131\u015f devletlerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 koruyan bir y\u00f6netim olarak takdim etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Muhalif gruplar\u0131n devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 daha \u00e7ok eski \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Ahameni, Part ve Sasani devletleriyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirildi. Y\u00fczy\u0131llar \u00f6nce kurulan bu devletler Ar\u00ee \u0131rk\u0131n\u0131n gurur kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak idealle\u015ftirildi.<\/p>\n

Di\u011fer taraftan, muhalefetin propagandas\u0131nda Ka\u00e7arlarla T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ayn\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131, Ka\u00e7ar y\u00f6netimine olan nefret \u00fclke ahalisinin b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan T\u00fcrklere kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6neltildi. \u00dclkenin \u00e7ok milletli yap\u0131s\u0131 gerilik belirtisi say\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi ve geli\u015fmesi i\u00e7in modernist merkezlerde Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n homojen (tek milletli) toplumlar\u0131 model al\u0131nd\u0131. \u00c7e\u015fitli milletlerden, dillerden, k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerden olu\u015fan \u0130ran Devleti muhalefetin propagandas\u0131nda tek merkez\u00ee h\u00e2kimiyete sahip, tek dilli, tek k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc, tek milletli \u00fcniter devlete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmeliydi. Bu amaca ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in iki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f savunuluyordu: Y\u00f6netimin merkezile\u015ftirilmesi ve Fars olmayanlar\u0131n Farsla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131…[40]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130ran\u2019\u0131n fikir hayat\u0131nda Pan-\u0130ranizm\u2019in h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu bu d\u00f6nemde bu ideolojiyi etkisizle\u015ftirebilecek veya onun Fars olmayanlara kar\u015f\u0131 bask\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 azaltacak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015f(turul)mas\u0131 konusunda elimizde yeterince malzeme yoktur. Fakat T\u00fcrklerin \u0130ran\u2019daki durumu hakk\u0131nda yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanan \u00e7e\u015fitli yaz\u0131lar, ayn\u0131 zamanda Azerbaycan\u2019da ya\u015fanan siyasi s\u00fcre\u00e7ler G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019daki ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 ayd\u0131n gruplar\u0131nda T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck (milliyet\u00e7ilik) fikirlerinin de ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ahmet A\u011fao\u011flu (A\u011fayev) 1911 y\u0131l\u0131nda T\u00fcrk Yurdu dergisinde yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 T\u00fcrk Alemi genel ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131\u00a0 makale serisinde \u0130ran\u2019daki T\u00fcrkler hakk\u0131nda da bilgi vermi\u015ftir. Bu makalelerde A\u011fao\u011flu \u0130ran\u2019da T\u00fcrklerin mill\u00ee bilin\u00e7 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan geri kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek \u015funlar\u0131 yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: \u201cT\u00fcrk kadar temess\u00fcle (assimilation), \u015ferait-i m\u00fchitiyyeye tab\u0131yyat etme\u011fe meyyal bir kavim yoktur. T\u00fcrk m\u00fchitinin esiridir; o kadar ki kendini, kendi \u015ferefe-i kavmiyyesini, haysiyyet-i tarihiyyesini, edebiyyat, lisan ve hatta an\u2019anat-i milliyyesini bile unutu vermeye haz\u0131rd\u0131r; \u015fu hakikati b\u00fct\u00fcn tarihimiz b\u00fct\u00fcn safahat\u0131 ile ispat ediyor: T\u00fcrkler \u0130ran medeniyyetinin amil ve sani\u2019i olduklar\u0131 halde adat-i kavmiyye ve lisan-i millilerini unutarak b\u00fct\u00fcn kalpleri ile Fars adat ve lisan\u0131na kap\u0131ld\u0131lar.\u201d[41]<\/a><\/p>\n

Emin Resulzade\u2019nin 1912 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda \u0130stanbul\u2019da yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri dizi makaleleri \u0130ran\u2019daki T\u00fcrklerin durumu hakk\u0131nda ilk genel kapsaml\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmad\u0131r. [42]<\/a>\u0130lk iki makale \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n, \u00f6zellikle G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n co\u011frafi, etno-demografik tasnifat\u0131na ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sonra Resulzade \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n devlet hayat\u0131nda iki esas kavmin \u2013 T\u00fcrkler ve Farslar\u0131n rol\u00fc konusuna de\u011finir. Bu konuyla ilgili olarak, son be\u015f y\u00fcz y\u0131lda \u0130ran devlet\u00e7ili\u011fi iki unsura – T\u00fcrklerin \u2018kuvvetli bazular\u0131na, cengaverlik seciyelerine\u2019 ve \u2018Fars medeniyetinin maneviyat\u0131na\u2019 dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kaydediyor. Farslar yaln\u0131z maneviyat sahas\u0131nda kalmam\u0131\u015f, m\u00fclk\u00ee idarecilik i\u015flerinde n\u00fcfuzlar\u0131n\u0131 korumu\u015flard\u0131r. Bir kural olarak devlette ikinci \u015fah\u0131s \u2013 sadrazam vazifesine Farslardan tayin edilmi\u015ftir. Ka\u00e7arlar d\u00f6neminde yaln\u0131z ikisi – Muhammed \u015eah zaman\u0131nda Hac\u0131 Mirza A\u011fa ve Muzaffereddin \u015eah d\u00f6neminde Eyn\u00fcddevle Fars de\u011fildi, onlar T\u00fcrkt\u00fcler.[43]<\/a><\/p>\n

Asker\u00ee-siyasi a\u00e7\u0131dan yenilen Fars unsuru, \u0130ran h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczy\u0131llarca T\u00fcrk oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini kabul etmeye mecbur olmu\u015f, onlar\u0131 mill\u00ee \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na uygun saym\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Resulzade \u2018Farslar, T\u00fcrk h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131 kendi milliyetlerine mu\u2019ar\u0131z [kar\u015f\u0131] bulmad\u0131klar\u0131ndan onlar\u0131 mill\u00ee \u0130ran padi\u015fahlar\u0131 gibi takdis etmi\u015fler [kutsam\u0131\u015flar]\u2019 demektedir[44]<\/a>. \u00d6nce Araplara, sonra T\u00fcrklere asker\u00ee-siyasi a\u00e7\u0131dan yenilen Farslar, \u00e7e\u015fitli bi\u00e7imlerde direni\u015f g\u00f6stermeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Fars direni\u015f hareketi Sel\u00e7uklular d\u00f6neminde esasen siyasi ter\u00f6re (\u0130smail\u00eeler hareketi) el att\u0131. Bu \u00e7aba da sonu\u00e7 vermeyince – Mo\u011follar\u0131n Alamut\u2019u da\u011f\u0131tmalar\u0131ndan sonra \u2013 Fars unsuru, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ile varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumaya karar verdi, etnik enerji daha \u00e7ok k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn yay\u0131lmas\u0131 ve geli\u015ftirilmesine y\u00f6neldi. \u015e\u00fcubiye hareketi bunun en somut \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Sonralar\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar bunu mevcut \u015fartlarda en etkili davran\u0131\u015f tarz\u0131 saym\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. [45]<\/a><\/p>\n

Resulzade\u2019nin \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ikinci etnik unsuru -T\u00fcrklerin- stat\u00fcs\u00fc konusundaki fikri de \u00e7ok ilgin\u00e7tir: \u201c\u0130ran\u2019da T\u00fcrkler, ne Rusya\u2019da oldu\u011fu gibi mahkum ve ne de T\u00fcrkiye`de oldu\u011fu gibi h\u00e2kim bir millet de\u011fildirler. \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri, as\u0131l \u0130ranl\u0131 olan Farslarla hukukta m\u00fcsavi [e\u015fit] vatanda\u015f halinde bulunuyorlar: Ayn\u0131 haklar\u0131, ayn\u0131 imtiyazlar\u0131 haizdirler; \u00fcveylik \u00e7ekmezler.\u201d[46]<\/a> Burada yazar, Ka\u00e7ar h\u00e2kimiyetinin \u2018T\u00fcrk \u0131rk\u0131ndan gelmelerine\u2019 ra\u011fmen, mill\u00ee-etnik s\u00fcre\u00e7lerden uzak kalmalar\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekiyor: \u201cFakat \u0130ran h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrk olmas\u0131 T\u00fcrklere husus\u00ee bir imtiyaz bah\u015fetmedi\u011fi gibi, Fars milletinin tazyikine de sebep olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d [47]<\/a> Aksine, \u201cbu suretle be\u015f y\u00fcz seneden beri \u015fahl\u0131k taht\u0131nda T\u00fcrk han\u0131 oturuyorsa da, gerek bu hanlar, gerekse T\u00fcrk ahali \u0130ranl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f, yani Farslar taraf\u0131ndan temsil [asimile] olunmu\u015flar.\u201d[48]<\/a><\/p>\n

Resulzade bu asimile s\u00fcrecinde iki etkenin \u2013 \u015eiilik ve Fars dilinin \u2013 \u00f6nemli rol\u00fcn\u00fcn oldu\u011funu kaydeder: \u201c\u015eiilik \u0130ran T\u00fcrklerini o kadar Farsla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki, \u015fimdi onlar kendilerini T\u00fcrkle\u015fmi\u015f Fars, yani aslen \u0130ranl\u0131 telakki ederler.\u201d Elbette bu sonuncu fikir \u2013 Farsla\u015fmak – T\u00fcrk elit tabakas\u0131na (\u2018havass\u2019a) aittir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc onun a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da belirtti\u011fi gibi\u00a0 \u2018\u0130ran\u2019da bir kelime Fars\u00ee bilmeyen k\u00fclliyyetli T\u00fcrkler vard\u0131r.\u2019 T\u00fcrk elitinin Farsla\u015fmas\u0131 olay\u0131nda Fars dilinin \u00f6nemli rol\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7eken Resulzade, \u015f\u00f6yle diyor: \u201cH\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131n T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ra\u011fmen memleketin lisan-i resm\u00eesi Far\u0131s\u00ee kalm\u0131\u015f ve merasim ve te\u015frifatta hep Far\u0131s\u00ee an\u2019anat\u0131 [gelene\u011fi] muhafaza olunmu\u015ftur.\u201d[49]<\/a> E\u011fitim t\u00fcm\u00fcyle Fars\u00e7a oldu\u011fundan okumu\u015f kesim T\u00fcrk\u00e7e zorlukla yaz\u0131p okuyabilir. Resulzade \u015f\u00f6yle devam etmektedir: \u201cH\u00fclasa Arap\u00e7a nas\u0131l bir lisan-i din\u00ee ise Fars\u00e7a da o derece bir selahiyet ve n\u00fcfuzu ha\u2019iz lisan-i tahrirdir [yaz\u0131 dilidir]. T\u00fcrk\u00e7e konu\u015fulur, T\u00fcrk\u00e7e nutuk edilir, T\u00fcrk\u00e7e va\u2019azlar s\u00f6ylenir. Fakat yaz\u0131ya gelince hep Far\u0131s\u00ee kesilir.\u201d[50]<\/a> B\u00f6yle bir uygunsuz ortamda yerli T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131 kendine yol bulmal\u0131 geli\u015fmeliydi. Makalelerin be\u015fincisinde T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen temsilcilerinin eserlerinden getirilen \u00f6rnekler esas\u0131nda tahlil edilir. Makalenin devam\u0131nda T\u00fcrk\u00e7e bas\u0131n\u0131n izah\u0131 verilir, S\u00f6hbet ve Feryad gazeteleri a\u00e7\u0131klan\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri yaz\u0131 dizisinin \u00f6nemli b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc T\u00fcrklerin Me\u015frutiyet devrimindeki (1905-1911) rol\u00fcne ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Resulzade Frans\u0131z devriminde Marsilya, Osmanl\u0131 devriminde Selanik ne ise, Me\u015frutiyet devriminde de Tebriz ayn\u0131 konumdad\u0131r, demektedir. Yazar, g\u00f6rkemli T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n (\u015eeyh Cemaleddin, Muhammed Tahir, Abd\u00fcrrahim Tal\u0131bzade, Zeynelabidin Maragay\u00ee) devrimin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bak\u0131m\u0131ndan haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131ndaki rol\u00fcn\u00fc, onlar\u0131n siyasi olaylarda aktif kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n sebeplerini geni\u015f\u00e7e tahlil etmekte, devrimin Azerbaycan\u2019daki s\u00fcrecinin \u00f6zetini vermektedir. T\u00fcrklerin bu devrime aktif kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Farslar\u0131n daha k\u00e2rl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131 da Resulzade\u2019nin dikkatini \u00e7eken meselelerdendir. Hatta bu eserin en k\u0131ymetli \u00f6zelliklerinden birisidir.[51]<\/a> \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri dizi yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n son makalesi Ka\u015fkaylara ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Resulzade, Ka\u015fkaylar hakk\u0131nda da de\u011ferli etnografik bilgiler vermi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131nda iki kez (Aral\u0131k 1914 \u2013 Ocak 1915, NisanKas\u0131m 1918) Azerbaycan\u2019a girmesi ve halk aras\u0131nda propaganda i\u015flerinin y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi burada T\u00fcrkl\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin geli\u015fmesinde etkili oldu. Osmanl\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmak i\u00e7in yerel ahaliden toplanan \u0130zaki, Sili, Emriye ve di\u011fer alaylar Osmanl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmaktan imtina ettiler. T\u00fcrkl\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 Ahmed Kesrevi\u2019nin itiraf etti\u011fi gibi, Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun Tebriz\u2019e girmesini ahali b\u00fcy\u00fck sevin\u00e7le kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131.[52]<\/a> Enver Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n karde\u015fi Nuri Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n komutas\u0131ndaki Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun ikinci kez Azerbaycan\u2019da bulunmas\u0131 mill\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceli insanlar\u0131 bilin\u00e7lendirdi. Osmanl\u0131 komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Urmulu [Urmiyeli] toprak sahibi Cem\u015fid Erde\u015fir Af\u015far Mecid\u00fcsseltene\u2019yi eyaletin valisi tayin etti. Burada \u0130ttihad-i \u0130slam Cemiyeti\u2019nin b\u00f6lge te\u015fkilat\u0131 kuruldu (ba\u015fkan\u0131 Yusuf Ziya), bir\u00e7ok tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f din alimleri bu kurulu\u015fla i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapt\u0131lar.[53]<\/a> Osmanl\u0131 ordusu Tebriz\u2019de T\u00fcrk\u00e7e Azerbaycan gazetesinin yay\u0131n\u0131na ortam haz\u0131rlad\u0131. Gazetenin ba\u015f\u0131na gen\u00e7 \u00f6\u011fretmen, \u015fair Mirza Ta\u011f\u0131 R\u00fcfet getirildi. Toplumda Azerbaycan ahalisinin T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, \u0130ran-Turan m\u00fccadelesi vs. konular m\u00fczakere edilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131.[54]<\/a> Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun yard\u0131m\u0131 ile Urmiye\u2019de e\u011fitimin T\u00fcrk\u00e7e oldu\u011fu bir okul a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131. Urmiye\u2019nin \u00fcnl\u00fc m\u00fc\u00e7tehidi (din alimi) Fazlullah bu okula m\u00fcd\u00fcr tayin edildi, \u2018k\u0131sa s\u00fcre zarf\u0131nda okulun s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 \u00e7ocuklar ve \u015fehrin gen\u00e7leriyle dolup ta\u015ft\u0131.\u2019[55]<\/a> Fars dili burada yabanc\u0131 dil olarak okutuluyordu. \u00d6\u011fretmenler, \u015fehrin e\u011fitimli insanlar\u0131 ve Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun gen\u00e7 subaylar\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6lge insan\u0131n\u0131n moralini etkileyen di\u011fer etkenler aras\u0131nda sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi ve sonras\u0131nda Azerbaycan\u2019da ya\u015fanan olaylar, ilk olarak da \u015eubat-Nisan 1918\u2019de T\u00fcrklerin katliama maruz kalmas\u0131 idi. Bu katliamlar\u0131n esas sebebi Urmiye \u00e7evresindeki H\u0131ristiyan ahaliyi tahrik ve te\u015fkil eden Rusya, Fransa, \u0130ngiltere ve ABD\u2019nin yerel diplomatik temsilcilikleriydi. \u0130tilaf devletleri temsilcileri, \u00f6zellikle Rusya ajanlar\u0131 sava\u015f d\u00f6neminde Osmanl\u0131 dahilindeki Ermenileri ve Asurileri (Nasturi, Cilo) silahland\u0131r\u0131p cephe gerisinde Osmanl\u0131 ordusuna kar\u015f\u0131 tahribatlara y\u00f6nelttiler. Osmanl\u0131 ordusu bu \u00e7eteleri ma\u011flup ederek silahl\u0131 birliklerini da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131ktan sonra y\u00fcz binlerce g\u00f6\u00e7men s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 ge\u00e7ip Hoy, Urmiye ve Salmas etraf\u0131na yerle\u015ftiler. Sadece g\u00f6\u00e7men Asurilerin say\u0131s\u0131 200 binin \u00fczerindeydi. Tebriz\u2019deki Rus ba\u015fkonsolosu Nikitin raporunda \u015funlar\u0131 kaydediyordu: \u201cBu vah\u015fi da\u011fl\u0131lar\u0131 [Asurileri] sivil ve \u00e7ift\u00e7i M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahalinin kom\u015fusu olarak tutmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir.\u201d[56]<\/a> Yaln\u0131z Urmiye \u00e7evresindeki 10-15 bin Asurinin ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 Rus temsilcili\u011fi bir \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131lamay\u0131 ba\u015fard\u0131. \u00c7\u0131r\u0131l\u00e7\u0131plak, a\u00e7, \u00f6fkeli Asuri g\u00f6\u00e7menler b\u00f6lge ahalisine sald\u0131r\u0131yor, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman k\u00f6ylerini i\u015fgal ediyordu. \u00d6te yandan, bu b\u00f6lgedeki 80 bin askerden olu\u015fan Rus ordusu\u00a0 katliam ve soygun i\u015finde Asurilerden geri kalm\u0131yordu. Nikitin Rus askerleri \u2018yiyerek-i\u00e7erek dinleniyorlard\u0131; onlar\u0131n i\u015fi g\u00fcnde \u00fc\u00e7 kere bu \u015fehrin [Urmiye\u2019nin] pazarlar\u0131n\u0131 talan etmekten, talan ettiklerini, askeri giysilerini, sava\u015f ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, hatta silah ve mermilerini satmaktan ibaretti\u2019[57]<\/a> diye yazmaktayd\u0131. Rus konsolosu ayr\u0131ca, \u2018Urmiye\u2019de H\u0131ristiyan ordusunun olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 karar\u0131 verildi\u011fini\u2019 belirtmekteydi. Bu ordunun \u015fahsi heyeti Asuriler ve Ermenilerden ibaret olmal\u0131, onlara Rus, Ermeni, Frans\u0131z, \u0130ngiliz subaylar\u0131 e\u011fitim vermeliydi. Raporda Ermeni-Asuri birle\u015fik ordusunun 1918 y\u0131l\u0131 \u015eubat\u2019\u0131n 9\u2019unda Urmiye \u015fehrine sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 ve \u00fc\u00e7 g\u00fcnl\u00fck sava\u015f \u2018H\u0131ristiyanlar\u0131n lehine sonu\u00e7land\u0131, bu sava\u015f\u0131n devam\u0131 \u00e7ok etkili oldu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Asuri-Nasturilerdeki gibi etnik vah\u015fet galip durumunda s\u0131n\u0131r tan\u0131m\u0131yor\u2019 demekteydi.[58]<\/a><\/p>\n

Sonraki s\u00fcreci Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n Genel Tarihi\u2019nin yazar\u0131 Sarvan (Y\u00fczba\u015f\u0131) Kaviyanpur anlat\u0131yor. Kaviyanpur, Rusya\u2019ya d\u00f6nen Rus askerlerinin b\u00fct\u00fcn silah\u0131 H\u0131ristiyanlar\u0131n eline ge\u00e7ti, diye yazmaktad\u0131r. Onlar Urmiye ve etraf\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet kurma iddias\u0131ndayd\u0131lar. Asurilerin din\u00ee lideri Mar-\u015eimon\u2019un komutas\u0131nda k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede 30 bin askerden olu\u015facak ordu kurulmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Oysa M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n elinde toplam 400 ate\u015fli silah vard\u0131.[59]<\/a> Yaln\u0131z Urmiye \u015fehrinde 10 bin T\u00fcrk ahaliyi \u00f6ld\u00fcrd\u00fckten sonra Ermeni-Asuri g\u00fc\u00e7leri Salmas, Dilman ve Hoy\u2019u da ele ge\u00e7irmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Yeterli silahl\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc bulunmayan bu \u015fehirlerin ve \u00e7evre k\u00f6ylerinin ahalisi binlerce kurban verdi. Kaviyanpur\u2019a g\u00f6re, \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlardan olmak \u00fczere bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda 130 bin ki\u015fi \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc.[60]<\/a><\/p>\n

M\u00fcsl\u00fcman T\u00fcrk ahalinin taleplerine cevap olarak Osmanl\u0131 ordusu yeniden cephe hatt\u0131n\u0131 ge\u00e7erek toplu katliamlar\u0131 durdurdu. Yine Kaviyanpur\u2019un verdi\u011fi bilgiye g\u00f6re, asayi\u015fi sa\u011flad\u0131ktan sonra Azerbaycan\u2019dan \u00e7ekilen Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Urmiye ahalisini toplay\u0131p Ermeniler ve Asurilerden sava\u015f ganimeti olarak ald\u0131klar\u0131 silahlar\u0131 ahalinin almas\u0131n\u0131, Osmanl\u0131lar gittikten sonra kendilerini savunmas\u0131n\u0131 teklif etti. \u015eehrin \u00f6nde gelenlerinden biri kalk\u0131p \u0130ran devletinin sava\u015fta tarafs\u0131z oldu\u011funu, bu y\u00fczden de silah almaya ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade etti.[61]<\/a> Bu t\u00fcr esass\u0131z \u2018pasifist\u2019 tutum k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra Urmiye ahalisi ve etraf\u0131n\u0131n yeniden k\u0131y\u0131mlara naruz kalmas\u0131na neden oldu.<\/p>\n

Urmiye \u00e7evresindeki K\u00fcrt \u015eakkak \u00e7etesi de f\u0131rsat g\u00f6zl\u00fcyordu. Ermeni ve Asurilerin silahl\u0131 \u00e7eteleri da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra onlar\u0131n yerini bu K\u00fcrt \u00e7etesi ald\u0131. Mar-\u015eimon\u2019u katleden \u0130smail A\u011fa Smitko (Simko) n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmi\u015f, eyalet h\u00fck\u00fcmeti ve Tahran\u2019dan g\u00f6nderilen silahl\u0131 gruplar\u0131 yok ederek, Maku\u2019dan Serde\u015ft\u2019e kadar uzanan b\u00f6lgede e\u015fkiyal\u0131k yapmaktayd\u0131. Smitko\u2019nun \u2018ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131na\u2019 Azerbaycan eyaletinin Urmiye g\u00f6l\u00fcnden bat\u0131 ve g\u00fcney topraklar\u0131 da dahil idi.[62]<\/a> B\u00f6lgenin T\u00fcrk ahalisi bu defa Smitko\u2019nun zulm\u00fcne maruz kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 (1925 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar bu araziler Smitko\u2019nun denetiminde kald\u0131.)<\/p>\n

Azerbaycan\u2019da elit kesimin siyasi davran\u0131\u015f\u0131na tesir eden veya edebilecek di\u011fer bir olay ise Kafkaslarda ya\u015fan\u0131yordu. \u015eubat devriminden sonra \u00c7arl\u0131k Rusya \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun \u00e7\u00f6kmesi s\u00fcrecinde Kafkaslarda merkezden ayr\u0131lma e\u011filimleri h\u0131zla art\u0131yor, mill\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7ler bu b\u00f6lgenin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in faaliyet g\u00f6steriyorlard\u0131. 22 Nisan 1918\u2019de G\u00fcney Kafkasya, Rusya\u2019dan ayr\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etti, G\u00fcney Kafkasya federasyonunun da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra Kuzey Azerbaycan 28 May\u0131s\u2019ta ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etti, Azerbaycan Demokratik Cumhuriyeti\u2019nde millet-devlet in\u015fas\u0131 s\u00fcreci ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Siyasi s\u00fcre\u00e7 g\u00f6sterdi ki, bu olaylar G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019da siyasi elitin davran\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 etkilemedi, ya da \u00e7ok az etkiledi.[63]<\/a> Bu d\u00f6nemde mevcut olan \u0130r\u015fad, \u0130ttihad ve Terakki-yi \u0130slam, \u0130raniyan-i M\u00fcterakki, Demokratha-yi M\u00fcterakki, Nusret, Ahrar, Sosyal-Demokrat Adalet Partisi, Ekseriyyun, Bi\u00e7izan, \u0130stikl\u00e2l-i \u0130ran ve F\u0131rka-yi \u0130slam\u00ee gibi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck siyasi partiler ve \u00fclke \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki partilerin b\u00f6lge te\u015fkilatlar\u0131 Azerbaycan\u2019da siyasi faaliyetle me\u015fguld\u00fc. Bu partilerin programlar\u0131nda \u00fclkede mill\u00ee meselenin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yer almam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yaln\u0131z \u0130r\u015fad Partisi\u2019nin program\u0131nda Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n do\u011fusu ile G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019a kendi gelece\u011fini belirleme hakk\u0131n\u0131n verilmesi zarureti, \u0130raniyan-i M\u00fcterakki ise \u0130ran\u2019da Fars olmayanlar\u0131n ilkokullarda ana dillerinde e\u011fitim almas\u0131ndan yana oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu.[64]<\/a> Haziran 1920\u2019de Enzeli\u2019de ilk kurultay\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenleyen \u0130ran Kom\u00fcnist Partisi \u00fclkede 15 milliyet ve din\u00ee grubun oldu\u011funu, \u0130ran\u2019daki milletlerin federatif esaslarda ittifak\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131 zaruretini kaydediyordu. Kurultay temsilcilerinin \u00e7o\u011funun T\u00fcrklerden olu\u015fmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bu partinin b\u00fct\u00fcn belgeleri Fars\u00e7ayd\u0131. Vidadi Mustafayev\u2019e g\u00f6re, \u2018bu durum Azerbaycan\u2019da demokratik hareketin ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve Pan-T\u00fcrkizmle su\u00e7lanmamas\u0131 zarureti\u2019 ile izah edilebilir.[65]<\/a> Bak\u00fc\u2019de yay\u0131nlanan Seda-yi \u0130ran ve Azerbaycan gazeteleri Pan\u0130ranist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri yay\u0131yorlard\u0131. Sonuncu gazetenin tam ad\u0131 Azerbaycan cozv-e layenfek-e \u0130ran est (\u2018Azerbaycan \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ayr\u0131lmaz par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r\u2019) olup, gazeteyi Seyid Cafer Cevadzade – Pi\u015feveri yay\u0131nl\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

D\u00f6nemin en \u00f6nemli partisi, \u0130ran Demokrat Partisi (\u0130DP, kurulu\u015fu 1910) idi. Bu partinin de program\u0131nda mill\u00ee mesele hakk\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yoktu, program\u0131n \u2018Siyasi kurulu\u015f\u2019 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde eyalet ve vilayet enc\u00fcmenleri bile s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildi.[66]<\/a> \u0130DP\u2019nin siyasi faaliyeti sakin, geli\u015fme yolu ile m\u00fccadele ilkesine dayan\u0131yordu. Bu ilke dahilinde konu\u015fmalar, istekler, talepler yoluyla merkez\u00ee y\u00f6netime tesir etmek, b\u00f6lge vali ve y\u00f6neticilerin istifas\u0131n\u0131 talep etmek esas m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imiydi. Bu partide Azerbaycan eyalet komitesinden \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u00fcyenin bulunmas\u0131 ve aktifli\u011fi onu farkl\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131yordu. Eyalet komitesinin Tebriz d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda Erdebil, Kazvin, Zencan, Urmiye ve di\u011fer \u015fehirlerde te\u015fkilatlar\u0131 vard\u0131. Tebriz\u2019de eyalet komitesi Fars\u00e7a Tecedd\u00fcd (Yenile\u015fme) adl\u0131 bir gazete \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yordu. A\u011fustos 1917\u2019de \u0130DP Eyalet Komitesinin konferans\u0131 d\u00fczenlendi. Bu konferansta mevcut siyasi durumla ilgili \u00f6nemli kararlar al\u0131nd\u0131. Bu konferanstan sonra bir\u00e7ok belgede Azerbaycan Demokrat Partisi (ADP, Firqe-yi Demokrat-i Azerbaycan) ad\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc ve parti art\u0131k ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z faaliyet g\u00f6stermeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Halbuki bu konferansta ve sonraki toplant\u0131larda \u0130DP\u2019ye m\u00fcnasebet ayr\u0131ca g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmemi\u015f ve ayr\u0131 bir parti program\u0131 kabul edilmemi\u015ftir. Konferans ADP Merkez\u00ee Komitesinin \u00fcyelerini belirledi, ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011fa \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee se\u00e7ildi. [67]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130DP Eyalet Komitesi \u015eubat Devrimi\u2019nden sonra b\u00f6lgedeki Rus askerlerinin olu\u015fturduklar\u0131 Sovyetlerle [askeri komitelerle] i\u015fbirli\u011fine ba\u015flad\u0131, baz\u0131 yerlerde kendi temsilcilerini \u00fcye olarak bu Sovyetlere g\u00f6nderdi. 1918 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda Sovyet h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, \u0130ran arazisinden Rus ordular\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti. Ruslar\u0131n erzaklar\u0131 ve fazla silahlar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler sonunda ADP\u2019nin temsilcilerine teslim edildi. [68]<\/a>ADP bu y\u0131llarda Sovyetlerle birlikte siyasi eylemler de d\u00fczenliyordu. A\u011fustos konferans\u0131nda Partinin Rusya\u2019daki Devrime Bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bildiri kabul edilmi\u015f, Bol\u015fevikleri kastederek \u2018biz program\u0131nda kendi \u00fclkesinin ve di\u011fer \u00fclkelerin halklar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc savunan partiyle dost olmal\u0131y\u0131z\u2019 ilkesi a\u00e7\u0131klanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[69]<\/a> ADP\u2019nin lideri Hiyaban\u00ee de\u00a0 konu\u015fmalar\u0131nda Bol\u015feviklere e\u011filimini gizlemiyor, onlarla s\u0131k\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fi yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6neriyordu.<\/p>\n

ADP Rus ordusundan farkl\u0131 olarak Osmanl\u0131 ordusu ile normal ili\u015fki kuramad\u0131. Toplumun b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 ordusunu Ermeni-Asuri ve K\u00fcrt sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131ndan ve katliam-talanlardan kurtaran g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, di\u011fer bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ba\u015fta ADP y\u00f6netimi olmak \u00fczere onu i\u015fgalci g\u00fc\u00e7 say\u0131yordu. Bu nedenle ADP \u00fcyelerini takip eden Osmanl\u0131 ordusu 13 A\u011fustos\u2019ta parti y\u00f6netimini (Hiyaban\u00ee, Noberi ve Badam\u00e7\u0131) hapsedip, Urmiye\u2019ye g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc, Kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda ise Azerbaycan arazisini terk ederken onlar\u0131 birka\u00e7 hafta Kars\u2019ta g\u00f6zalt\u0131nda tuttuktan sonra serbest b\u0131rakt\u0131. Baz\u0131 bilgilere g\u00f6re, onlar\u0131n hapsi \u0130ran h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin, \u00f6zellikle Veliaht Muhammed Hasan Mirza\u2019n\u0131n iste\u011fiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015fti.[70]<\/a><\/p>\n

Osmanl\u0131 ordusu Azerbaycan\u2019dan ayr\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra \u0130ngiliz ordusunun i\u015fgali ba\u015flad\u0131. D\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bitmesine ra\u011fmen Britanya \u0130ran\u2019dan \u00e7ekilmek istemiyor, aksine Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n buradan gitmesinden yararlanarak, \u0130ran\u2019daki konumunu daha da peki\u015ftirmek istiyordu. 1919 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n A\u011fustos ay\u0131nda V\u00fcsuk\u00fcddevle h\u00fck\u00fcmeti ile imzalanan anla\u015fmayla \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 siyasi ve ekonomik a\u00e7\u0131dan Britanya\u2019ya tam ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 duruma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Bu anla\u015fmaya \u0130ran toplumu itiraz etti. \u00dclke \u00e7ap\u0131nda anla\u015fman\u0131n iptal edilmesini talep eden toplant\u0131lar, mitingler d\u00fczenlendi. En cidd\u00ee hareket Gilan, Horasan ve Azerbaycan\u2019da ya\u015fand\u0131. \u00dclkeyi b\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f hareketin esas talebi Britanya-\u0130ran anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n iptali idi.<\/p>\n

Me\u015frutiyet hareketinde oldu\u011fu gibi bu defa da Azerbaycan hareketin merkezini olu\u015fturuyordu. \u00dclkenin ba\u015fbakan\u0131 V\u00fcsuk\u00fcddevle Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 \u0130ran devlet yap\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki \u2018kara leke\u2019 olarak niteliyor, buradaki durum d\u00fczelmedik\u00e7e \u0130ran\u2019da \u2018asayi\u015f\u2019in sa\u011flanamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia ediyordu. [71]<\/a>Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin \u0130ran\u2019daki ilk b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi Adil Han Ziyadhan 1920 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Mart ay\u0131 ba\u015flar\u0131nda G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019daki siyasi durum hakk\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yordu: \u201c\u0130ran Azerbaycan\u0131\u2019nda \u0130ran\u2019dan ayr\u0131lmak ve Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti ile birle\u015fmek y\u00f6n\u00fcnde \u015fu anda zay\u0131f da olsa, propaganda devam ediyor. Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti yak\u0131n gelecekte \u0130ran\u2019da meydana gelecek olaylara haz\u0131r olmal\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d[72]<\/a> Nisan ay\u0131n\u0131n 11\u2019inde ise b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7i \u0130ran\u2019daki durumu \u015f\u00f6yle karakterize ediyordu: \u201c\u0130ran\u2019da yayg\u0131n yolsuzluk ve g\u00f6revlere atamada aleni r\u00fc\u015fvet var; neticede halk insafs\u0131zca soyuluyor; mahkeme ve adalet denen bir \u015fey yok; eski ihti\u015famdan iz kalmam\u0131\u015f; yeni medeniyet ve bay\u0131nd\u0131rl\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor; her yanda yoksulluk ve pislik… Farslar\u0131n bizim cumhuriyete m\u00fcnasebeti o kadar da iyi de\u011fil, ancak, \u0130ran Azerbaycan\u0131 T\u00fcrklerinin m\u00fcnasebeti karde\u015fcesine, dostanedir. \u0130ran Azerbaycan\u0131 \u00f6zerkli\u011fe, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa ve Farsistan\u2019dan ayr\u0131lmaya can at\u0131yor.\u201d B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7i Adil Han Ziyadhan\u2019\u0131n 12 Nisan\u2019da D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131na yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 mektup Tebriz\u2019de ya\u015fanan olaylara ilgisini g\u00f6steriyordu: \u201c\u0130ran Azerbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131 alenen diyorlar ki, Azerbaycan Azerbaycanl\u0131lar i\u00e7indir ve ne zamana kadar Tahran\u2019dan g\u00f6nderilen Fars y\u00f6neticilerini doyuraca\u011f\u0131z. Onlar\u0131n tek amac\u0131 zavall\u0131 Azerbaycan halk\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrmek, halk\u0131n elinden zorla al\u0131nan paralar\u0131yla Tahran\u2019da saraylar dikip bah\u00e7eler yapmaktan ibarettir.\u201d [73]<\/a><\/p>\n

Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isinin son mektubunu g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi tarihte Tebriz art\u0131k ADP\u2019nin kontrol\u00fcndeydi. Azerbaycan\u2019da huzur ve istikrar sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in V\u00fcsuk\u00fcddevle eyalet y\u00f6netimine zalimli\u011fi ile bilinen \u015eehzade Ayn\u00fcddevle\u2019yi vali, Emin\u00fclm\u00fclk\u2019\u00fc ise vali yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 tayin etmi\u015f, Tebriz\u2019e \u00e7ok say\u0131da kolluk g\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00f6ndermi\u015fti.\u00a0 Mart ay\u0131nda devam eden bask\u0131lar, ayn\u0131 zamanda Nisan\u2019\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda b\u00f6lgedeki demokratlar\u0131n hapsedilmesi, ADP y\u00f6netimini \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 m\u00fccadele yollar\u0131ndan (rica, talep, itiraz mitingi, memurun istifas\u0131 talebi vs.) vazge\u00e7ip daha radikal ad\u0131mlar atmaya mecbur etti. Tebriz\u2019deki \u00e7e\u015fitli silahl\u0131 gruplar tarafs\u0131z kald\u0131klar\u0131 ve hatta baz\u0131 gruplar\u0131n liderleri ADP taraf\u0131na ge\u00e7tikleri i\u00e7in iki g\u00fcn gibi k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7erisinde devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmek zor olmad\u0131. Ge\u00e7ici y\u00f6netim organ\u0131 olarak kurulan \u0130\u00e7timai \u0130dare Heyeti\u2019nin (\u0130\u0130H) ba\u015fkan\u0131 \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee Nisan\u2019\u0131n 7\u2019sinde Tebriz ahalisine hitaben yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 konu\u015fmas\u0131nda, \u201cBug\u00fcn biz V\u00fcsuk\u00fcddevle ve \u0130ngilizlerle talanc\u0131 anla\u015fmay\u0131 yapan h\u00fck\u00fcmet aleyhine isyan ettik… Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n ad\u0131n\u0131 Azadistan olarak de\u011fi\u015ftirerek bug\u00fcnden itibaren Azadistan\u2019\u0131 ilan ediyoruz.\u201d[74]<\/a> diyordu. 9 Nisan\u2019da \u0130\u0130H\u2019nin Fars ve Frans\u0131z dillerinde yaz\u0131lan bildirisinde ayaklanman\u0131n amac\u0131 Azerbaycan eyaletinde asayi\u015fi sa\u011flamak, h\u00fck\u00fcmet temsilcilerinin Anayasaya ayk\u0131r\u0131 siyasetine son vermek ve Anayasay\u0131 s\u00f6zden eyleme ge\u00e7irmek olarak de\u011ferlendirildi.[75]<\/a> H\u00e2kimiyeti ele ge\u00e7irdikten sonraki be\u015f ay m\u00fcddetinde \u0130\u0130H\u2019nin faaliyeti ve Azerbaycan\u2019daki durum hakk\u0131nda Ali Azeri, Ahmed Kesrevi, Mihail \u0130vanov, \u015e\u00f6vket Ta\u011f\u0131yeva ve di\u011ferlerinin ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 oldu\u011fundan ayaklanman\u0131n \u00f6zellikleri \u00fczerinde durmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z.Yukar\u0131daki al\u0131nt\u0131larda da g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczere, ayaklanman\u0131n as\u0131l amac\u0131 1919 y\u0131l\u0131 Britanya-\u0130ran anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ve \u00fclkedeki \u0130ngiliz n\u00fcfuzunun ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

ADP y\u00f6netiminin eyaletin ad\u0131n\u0131 Azadistan olarak de\u011fi\u015ftirmesi yaln\u0131z propaganda maksad\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu meseleye a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirmek Tebriz ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n karakterine a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirir. Hiyaban\u00ee ve silahda\u015flar\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda 1920 Nisan ay\u0131n\u0131n 7\u2019sinde, Aras Nehri\u2019nin kuzeyinde Azerbaycan adl\u0131 devletin (Azerbaycan Demokratik\u00a0 Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin) varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yeterince de\u011ferlendiremediler. [76]<\/a>ADP y\u00f6netimi bu mill\u00ee ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devletle ili\u015fki kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmad\u0131. Bunda Bol\u015fevizme temay\u00fcl ve Sovyet Rusyas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n vaatlerine g\u00fcven \u00f6nemli bir rol oynam\u0131\u015f olabilir. Onlar Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin Denikin, daha sonra Sovyet Rusyas\u0131 tehlikesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda siyasi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumak i\u00e7in \u0130ngiliz kayyumlu\u011fundan yararlanma iste\u011finin yeterince fark\u0131na varmam\u0131\u015f, bu devletin G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 iddial\u0131 oldu\u011funu zannetmi\u015flerdir. Baz\u0131 yazarlar bu isim de\u011fi\u015ftirmeyi Aras\u2019\u0131n kuzeyinde Azerbaycan Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131yla izah etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. Mesela 1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f solcu muhalif liderlerinden olan Ali R\u0131za Nabdil (Oktay) bu konudaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini \u015f\u00f6yle ifade ediyor: \u201cHiyaban\u00ee\u2019nin demokratlar\u0131 B\u00fcy\u00fck Ekim Sosyalist Devrimine olumlu yakla\u015fmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, sosyalist devrimin g\u00fcneye do\u011fru ilerlemesi ve Kafkasya\u2019da Azerbaycan Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 savunma pozisyonu ald\u0131lar. \u0130ran Azerbaycan\u0131 eyaletinin isminin de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi bu tutumu g\u00f6steren bariz \u00f6rnektir.\u201d [77]<\/a>Ali R\u0131za Nabdil\u2019in ikinci iddias\u0131 do\u011fru de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc isim de\u011fi\u015ftirme karar\u0131n\u0131n beyan edildi\u011fi 7 Nisan\u2019da Sovyet Azerbaycan\u0131 hen\u00fcz kurulmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, Sovyet Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 28 Nisan\u2019da ilan edildi. Fakat Nabdil\u2019in, Hiyaban\u00ee\u2019nin \u2018sosyalist devrimin g\u00fcneye do\u011fru ilerlemesine kar\u015f\u0131 savunma pozisyonu almas\u0131\u2019 konusundaki tezi tarih\u00ee olaylara uygundur.<\/p>\n

Hiyaban\u00ee 1920 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n yaz\u0131nda Sovyet ordusunun Gilan\u2019a m\u00fcdahalesini, ayr\u0131ca 7. \u015eirvan alay\u0131n\u0131n Erdebil\u2019i i\u015fgalini, Cengel\u00eeler hareketini dikkatle izlemi\u015f, Sovyetlerin s\u00f6z\u00fc ile eylemi aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck fark oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rebilmi\u015fti. Gilan Sovyet Cumhuriyeti ordusu ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda Sovyet ordusunun Zencan\u2019a do\u011fru ilerleyip i\u015fbirli\u011fi teklifinde bulundu\u011funda Hiyaban\u00ee, bu teklifi geri \u00e7evirmi\u015f, ordunun Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n i\u00e7lerine do\u011fru ilerlemesine \u015fiddetle itiraz etmi\u015fti. Ayr\u0131ca Aras\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcneyinde bulunan Abbaskulu Bey \u015eadlinski\u2019nin atl\u0131 s\u00fcvarilerinin, ayn\u0131 zamanda Mustafa Kemal Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n yard\u0131m teklifini reddetmi\u015f,[78]<\/a> \u2018\u0130ran\u2019\u0131 \u0130ranl\u0131lar kurtarmal\u0131d\u0131rlar\u2019 demi\u015ftir. [79]<\/a>Hiyaban\u00ee, 7 A\u011fustos 1920\u2019de Yuq Rossii (Rusya\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fcneyi) isimli gazetenin muhabiriyle s\u00f6yle\u015fisinde Gilan olaylar\u0131nda halk ad\u0131na halka zulmedenlerin (Bol\u015fevik liderlerinin) hareketlerini cidd\u00ee bir \u015fekilde k\u0131nam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hiyaban\u00ee \u00f6nceleri, hatta ayaklanman\u0131n ilk aylar\u0131nda Rusya\u2019da devam eden s\u00fcreci \u00f6nemli buldu\u011funu ifade ediyor, Bol\u015feviklerle i\u015fbirli\u011finden \u00e7ekinmiyor, ancak Gilan\u2019da Bol\u015feviklerin ter\u00f6r ve talanlar\u0131ndan sonra bu s\u00f6yle\u015fisinde Bol\u015fevizmi \u2018\u00c7arizmin di\u011fer y\u00fcz\u00fc\u2019 olarak nitelendiriyordu.<\/p>\n

Konumuz i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli olan sorulardan bir di\u011feri ise 1917-1920 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Demokrat Partinin Azerbaycan\u2019da m\u00fccadele etti\u011fi d\u00f6nemde, \u00f6zellikle Tebriz ayaklanmas\u0131 d\u00f6neminde burada mill\u00ee \u00f6zerklik ba\u011flam\u0131nda bir hareketin olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Yukar\u0131da da kaydedildi\u011fi \u00fczere, \u0130DP, ayn\u0131 zamanda ADP\u2019nin program belgelerinde \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n federalle\u015fmesi zarureti, Azerbaycan\u2019a mill\u00ee \u00f6zerkli\u011fin verilmesi talebi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmemi\u015ftir. Fakat ADP uygulamalar\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle Tebriz\u2019de y\u00f6netimi kontrol etti\u011fi be\u015f ayl\u0131k s\u00fcrede Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zerkli\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi. \u0130lk olarak Tahran\u2019dan g\u00f6nderilmi\u015f olan devlet memurlar\u0131 ve asker\u00ee personeli g\u00f6revlerinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rarak bu g\u00f6revlere ADP\u2019nin tan\u0131nan \u00fcyeleri tayin edildiler. Hiyaban\u00ee defalarca konu\u015fmalar\u0131nda \u2018bizim Tahran\u2019dan g\u00f6nderilen valiye ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z yoktur\u2019 demi\u015f, Tahran\u2019dan tayin edilen vali ve vali yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n faaliyet alan\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu kadar s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ge\u00e7erli olan Anayasas\u0131na uygun olarak Azerbaycan\u2019da eyalet ve vilayet enc\u00fcmenlerinin kurulmas\u0131 talebine Tahran\u2019dan cevap alamayan hareketin y\u00f6netimi, Anayasay\u0131 da a\u015farak Hiyaban\u00ee\u2019nin ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda 24 Haziran 1920\u2019de Mill\u00ee H\u00fck\u00fcmet\u2019in kuruldu\u011funu ilan etti. Mill\u00ee H\u00fck\u00fcmet ayn\u0131 g\u00fcn veliahd\u0131n ikametgah\u0131 olan Alakap\u0131\u2019ya aktar\u0131ld\u0131 (ertesi g\u00fcn V\u00fcsuk\u00fcddevle h\u00fck\u00fcmeti istifa etti).<\/p>\n

Tebriz\u2019de Mill\u00ee H\u00fck\u00fcmet d\u00f6neminde Tahran bas\u0131n\u0131, Azerbaycan\u2019daki hareketi ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131, \u0130ran\u2019dan ayr\u0131lma hareketi gibi de\u011ferlendiriyor, Hiyaban\u00ee ve hareketin liderleri hakk\u0131nda iftiralar yay\u0131yordu. Halbuki ADP y\u00f6netimi Azerbaycan \u00f6zerkli\u011fini \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n demokratikle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in bir ara\u00e7 say\u0131yordu. \u0130ran\u2019a demokrasi, Azerbaycan\u2019a \u00f6zerklik sloganla\u015fmasa da, hareketin \u00f6nderleri bu \u00e7izgiden ayr\u0131lmad\u0131lar. Hiyaban\u00ee g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle ifade ediyordu: \u201cTebriz \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 kurtaracakt\u0131r… Bug\u00fcn Tebriz\u2019de h\u00fck\u00fcmet demokratlar\u0131n elindedir. Bu demokratik h\u00fck\u00fcmet Tebriz\u2019den ba\u015flayacak ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n en uzak \u015fehirlerini de kapsayacak. Biz yava\u015f yava\u015f bu y\u00fcce amac\u0131m\u0131za ula\u015faca\u011f\u0131z. B\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6netim ve makamlar kontrol\u00fcm\u00fcz alt\u0131nda olacak.\u201d [80]<\/a>Hiyaban\u00ee\u2019nin konu\u015fma ve makalelerinde kullan\u0131lan \u2018vatan\u2019 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019\u0131, \u2018millet\u2019, \u2018hem-vatanlar\u2019 anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ise b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130ran ahalisini ifade ediyordu. 1917\u2019den sonraki t\u00fcm hareket d\u00f6nemlerinde, \u00f6zellikle Tebriz\u2019de h\u00e2kimiyete sahip oldu\u011fu zaman bile ADP y\u00f6netiminin T\u00fcrk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ile ilgili \u00f6zel faaliyetinin olmamas\u0131 dikkat \u00e7ekici bir husustur. B\u00fcrokratik i\u015fler yine de Fars\u00e7a yap\u0131l\u0131yor, ADP\u2019nin gazeteleri Fars\u00e7a yay\u0131nlan\u0131yor,[81]<\/a> \u2018Memleket-i Azadistan\u2019\u0131n resm\u00ee belgelerinin \u00fcst\u00fcnde eski \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n simgesi olan \u2018\u015fir-hur\u015fit\u2019 (aslan-g\u00fcne\u015f) yer al\u0131yor, \u0130ran paras\u0131 kullan\u0131l\u0131yordu. Asl\u0131nda \u00f6zerklik alan\u0131ndaki taleplerle k\u0131yasla 1919 anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ve Britanya\u2019n\u0131n merkez\u00ee h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00fczerinde h\u00fck\u00fcmranl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na, merkez\u00ee h\u00e2kimiyetin demokratikle\u015fmesi taleplerine daha \u00e7ok \u00f6nem veriliyordu. \u201cDemokratlar i\u00e7in spesifik mill\u00ee menfaat ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00f6neme sahip de\u011fildi, onlar\u0131n \u00e7abas\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn savunulmas\u0131na, vilayette [eyalette] anayasal y\u00f6netim \u015feklinin kurulmas\u0131na, Azerbaycan\u2019da istikrar\u0131n h\u00e2kim olmas\u0131na, tarafs\u0131z \u0130ran\u2019da (\u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan\u2019da) d\u00fc\u015fman taraflar\u0131n asker\u00ee faaliyetlerinin, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131s\u0131nda T\u00fcrklerle Asuriler aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n tahribat\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelmi\u015fti.\u201d[82]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee ve Azerbaycan Demokrat Partisi beyan ettikleri tecedd\u00fct siyasi felsefesine uygun olarak \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n modernle\u015ftirilmesi, \u0130ran siyasi sisteminin demokratikle\u015ftirilmesi, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Britanya \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesi haline gelmemesi, ana yurdu Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zerklik haklar\u0131na sahip olmas\u0131 istekleri ve bu do\u011frultuda g\u00f6r\u00fclen ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc \u00f6nemli i\u015fler, Tahran h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin ve \u0130ngiliz diplomatik temsilcili\u011finin g\u00fc\u00e7lerini birle\u015ftirip,\u00a0 bu \u2018kara leke\u2019yi temizlemeye sevk etti. Tebriz\u2019deki demokratik h\u00e2kimiyete kar\u015f\u0131 gereken haz\u0131rl\u0131k i\u015flerini tamamlad\u0131ktan sonra merkez\u00ee h\u00fck\u00fcmet g\u00fc\u00e7leri 11 Eyl\u00fcl 1920\u2019de sald\u0131r\u0131ya ba\u015flad\u0131 ve \u00fc\u00e7 g\u00fcn i\u00e7inde Tebriz\u2019de Tahran\u2019\u0131n h\u00e2kimiyetini yeniden kurdu. \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee ve onlarca hareket lideri \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Azerbaycan\u2019dan sonra Gilan ve Horasan\u2019daki b\u00f6lgesel demokratik y\u00f6netimler de ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. 1919 y\u0131l\u0131 anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n iptal edilmesine ra\u011fmen, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n demokratikle\u015fmesi, hatta federalle\u015fmesi u\u011fruna eyaletlerde ba\u015flayan hareket ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131kla sonu\u00e7land\u0131. B\u00f6ylece, y\u00f6netimin merkezile\u015fmesi i\u00e7in yol a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu.<\/p>\n

Merkezile\u015ftirme ideolojisi ve siyaseti<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Eyaletlerde mill\u00ee-demokratik hareketlerin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n eski \u2018memalik-i mahruse\u2019den \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f federal devlete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi \u015fans\u0131n\u0131n azalmas\u0131ndan sonra \u00fclke i\u00e7inde ve d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda Pan-\u0130ranist propaganda olduk\u00e7a g\u00fc\u00e7lendi. Yukar\u0131da da kaydedildi\u011fi \u00fczere, \u00fclkeyi b\u00f6l\u00fcnmekten kurtarmak i\u00e7in reformcu-modernist \u00e7evreler y\u00f6netimin Tahran\u2019da merkezile\u015ftirilmesini ve Fars olmayan halklar\u0131n zorla Farsla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 talep ediyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00dclke i\u00e7inde \u2018Azerbaycan meselesi\u2019ne Pan-\u0130ranizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getiren en hassas olay Seyid Ahmed Kesrevi Tebrizi\u2019nin ilk defa 1921 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131nlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Azeri, ya Zeban-e Bastan-e Azerbaygan (Azeri veya Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n Eski Dili) isimli kitab\u0131 idi.[83]<\/a> Pan-\u0130ranizm\u2019in Azerbaycan\u2019a bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u015fekillenmesinde bu kitap\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6nemli rol\u00fc oldu. Kesrevi bu kitab\u0131nda Fars \u015fovenizmini i\u00e7eren d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini ispatlamak i\u00e7in keyf\u00ee olarak se\u00e7ti\u011fi baz\u0131 Arap kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 referans g\u00f6stermi\u015f, yanl\u0131\u015f sonu\u00e7lar \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r[84]<\/a>. Bu kitab\u0131n ana d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi \u015f\u00f6yledir: \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer eyaletleri gibi Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n da eski yerel ahalisi Arilerdir; Azerbaycan ahalisi \u0130ran\u00ee dillerden biri olan Azerice konu\u015fmu\u015ftur; takip eden y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrk boylar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n bu b\u00f6lgesine yerle\u015fmeleri sonucunda T\u00fcrk dili zorla b\u00f6lge ahalisine kabul ettirilmi\u015ftir. Bu tezin amac\u0131 Azerbaycan T\u00fcrklerinde k\u00f6kleri ile ilgili ku\u015fku, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131k kompleksi yaratmak, Azerbaycan ahalisini Farsla\u015ft\u0131rmakt\u0131r.[85]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu y\u0131llarda G\u00fcney Azerbaycan ahalisinin T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc fikrini savunan yazarlara (M. Emin Resulzade, Ahmed A\u011fao\u011flu, Giritli Hasan Ru\u015feni Bark\u0131n vb.) cevap verenlerin de \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu Azerbaycan k\u00f6kenli \u015fah\u0131slard\u0131. Bu bak\u0131mdan Ru\u015feni Bark\u0131n\u2019\u0131n [86]<\/a>yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitap ve makalelere, ayr\u0131ca \u0130stanbul\u2019daki konu\u015fmalar\u0131na Berlin\u2019deki Azerbaycan k\u00f6kenli \u015fah\u0131slar\u0131n tepkisi ilgin\u00e7tir. Ru\u015feni Bey T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de T\u00fcrk Ocaklar\u0131\u2019nda verdi\u011fi konferanslarda ve Vatan gazetesinde yay\u0131nlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 makalelerde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n yeterince tan\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na, \u00f6zellikle buradaki yerli T\u00fcrklerin durumuyla ilgilenilmedi\u011fine dikkat \u00e7ekmektedir. Ru\u015feni Bark\u0131n \u2018\u0130ran\u2019\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 millet-i v\u00e2hide zanneden m\u00fctefekkirlerimiz pek \u00e7oktur\u2019 [87]<\/a>diye yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ru\u015feni Bey T\u00fcrklerin h\u0131zla mazlum duruma d\u00fc\u015fmekte oldu\u011funu vurgulayarak Farslarla T\u00fcrklerin m\u00fcnasebetlerinin gerginle\u015fti\u011fini de kaydetmi\u015ftir: \u201cOrada Farslar, yani h\u00e2kiki Acemler \u0130ran T\u00fcrklerini T\u00fcrk olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, h\u00e2kir g\u00f6r\u00fcrler. \u0130ran\u2019da bir Acem bir T\u00fcrk\u2019e k\u0131zd\u0131\u011f\u0131 vakit ona T\u00fcrk-e har, yani e\u015fek T\u00fcrk diye hitap eder.[88]<\/a><\/p>\n

Feryad gazetesinin eski redakt\u00f6r\u00fc, \u015fair ve yazar Mahmud Ganizade Ru\u015feni Beye Cevap adl\u0131 risalesinde \u015fiddetle \u2018d\u00f6rt milyon T\u00fcrk\u00fcn esaret alt\u0131nda inledi\u011fini\u2019 yazan Ru\u015feni Beyin tezine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar, \u0130ran\u2019da ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia eder. Azerbaycan ahalisinin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun O\u011fuz oldu\u011funu vurgulayan Ru\u015feni Beye itiraz ederek, Ganizade Azerbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n Ari \u0131rk\u0131na mensup oldu\u011funu iddia eder. Ganizade \u00f6fkeyle \u015f\u00f6yle devam eder: \u201cEski Med eyaleti, Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u2019\u00fcn vatan\u0131, ta Arap istilas\u0131na kadar yedi y\u00fcz sene s\u00f6nmeden yanan ate\u015fkede-yi azime\u2019Azerge\u015fnesb\u2019 ile daha y\u00fczlerce ate\u015fkedelerin be\u015fi\u011fi, Babek-i H\u00fcrremi\u2019nin mesgetorreas\u0131 [do\u011fum yeri] ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n temel ta\u015f\u0131 olan Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n ahalisine nas\u0131l olur da T\u00fcrk diyorsunuz? Giyafe, seciyye, melameh-i vechiye \u2018fizyoloji\u2019 veelhas\u0131l her nokta-yi nazardan tam bir \u0130ranl\u0131 bulunan Azerbaycanl\u0131n\u0131n neresinde T\u00fcrkl\u00fckten c\u00fcz\u2019i bir eser bulabiliyorsunuz? Milletler daima lisanlar\u0131 ile yekdi\u011ferinden tefri\u011f olunmaz [ayr\u0131lmaz]. Etvar [tav\u0131rlar], ahlak ve temay\u00fclatt\u0131r ki, medar-i h\u00fckm [h\u00fck\u00fcm kayna\u011f\u0131] olabilir.\u201d [89]<\/a> Ganizade\u2019den sonra R.\u015e.Tebrizi [R\u0131zazade \u015eafak] da Ru\u015feni Beye cevap verme ihtiyac\u0131 hissederek yeni kitab\u00e7\u0131k yaz\u0131p yay\u0131nlatt\u0131. Tebrizi de milliyeti olu\u015fturan unsurlar aras\u0131nda dilin \u00f6neminin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade ediyor ve \u2018\u0130ran milleti\u2019 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na kendi tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 veriyordu: \u201cMilliyet onu olu\u015fturan fertlerin aras\u0131nda ortak olan tarih, gelenek ve g\u00f6renekler, din, edebiyat, vatan gibi toplumsal etkenlerin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak var olan \u00f6zel bir ruh hali, bir i\u00e7 duygudur.\u201d[90]<\/a><\/p>\n

Reformcu-modernist \u00e7evrelerin propagandas\u0131n\u0131n esas y\u00f6nlerinden birisi de \u00fclkenin ekonomik ve siyasi hayat\u0131n\u0131, ayr\u0131ca silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7leri B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya\u2019n\u0131n kontrol\u00fcne b\u0131rakan 1919 y\u0131l\u0131 anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n iptali idi. Bu anla\u015fman\u0131n iptal talebini kamuoyunun geni\u015f kesimleri savunuyordu. Hatta i\u015f o kadar ileriye vard\u0131 ki, Sultan Ahmed \u015eah da anla\u015fman\u0131n onaylanmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131. Buna ra\u011fmen Britanya, konumunu de\u011fi\u015ftirmek ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 terk etmek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde de\u011fildi. Britanya \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu yeni de\u011fi\u015fen \u015fartlarda \u0130ran\u2019da konumunu korumak ve g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmek i\u00e7in siyasetini daha kapal\u0131, fakat daha radikal \u015fekilde y\u00fcr\u00fctmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. 29 Ocak 1920\u2019de B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya\u2019n\u0131n Mezopotamya\u2019daki y\u00fcksek komiseri Sir Persy Cox Tahran\u2019daki \u0130ngiliz b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isine yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 uzun telgrafta asker\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin \u0130ran\u2019dan \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lmas\u0131 ihtimaline dikkat \u00e7ekiyor, 1919 y\u0131l\u0131 anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n mevcut \u015fartlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u0131srar etmenin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getiriyordu. \u0130ran Meclisi\u2019ni ikna edebilecek yeni bir anla\u015fma konusundaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini ifade ettikten sonra \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cYeni anla\u015fma imzalan\u0131rken \u00f6yle bir ortam olu\u015fabilir ki, mevcut \u015eah\u0131n (Ahmed \u015eah Ka\u00e7ar\u2019\u0131n) s\u00fclalenin di\u011fer bir ferdi ile de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi ya da bu s\u00fclalenin di\u011fer bir s\u00fclale ile de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesini kabul etmek durumunda kalal\u0131m.\u201d Bir y\u0131l sonra \u0130ngiliz b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isinin Bakan Curson\u2019a yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 gizli telgrafta \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n kuzey b\u00f6lgesinde demokratik hareketlerin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00fclkenin g\u00fcneyinde \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin n\u00fcfuzu alt\u0131nda ayr\u0131ca ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir devletin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6neriyordu. [91]<\/a> \u0130ngiliz b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7ili\u011finin 1919 y\u0131l\u0131 anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 onaylatmak y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki \u00e7abas\u0131 \u0130ran h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin istifas\u0131na sebep oldu, Ba\u015fbakan Sepehdar\u2019\u0131n 16 \u015eubat 1921\u2019de yeni h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurma \u00e7abas\u0131 da siyasi krizi ortadan kald\u0131ramad\u0131. Britanya\u2019n\u0131n bir grup temsilcisi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc \u0130ran subaylar\u0131n\u0131n eliyle devlet darbesinde g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Bu do\u011frultuda ciddi haz\u0131rl\u0131klar yap\u0131l\u0131yordu. 1920 \u015eubat ay\u0131n\u0131n 21\u2019inde Kazak divizyonunun [t\u00fcmeninin] Kazvin b\u00f6l\u00fc\u011f\u00fc R\u0131za Han\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde Tahran\u2019da \u00f6nemli devlet dairelerini ele ge\u00e7irdi, y\u00fcksek d\u00fczeyli onlarca devlet memuru hapsedildi. \u00dclkede \u0130ngiliz \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n savunucusu Seyid Ziya (Seyid Ziyaaddin Tabatebai) ba\u015fbakan tayin edildi. Seyid Ziya k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamada bir s\u0131ra reformlar\u0131n yap\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u2018milleti kurtaraca\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u2019 savunuyordu. 26 \u015eubat\u2019ta \u00e7ok \u00f6nce haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f olan Sovyet-\u0130ran anla\u015fmas\u0131 imzaland\u0131. [92]<\/a>\u0130ngilizlerin onay\u0131 ile 24 Mart 1919 tarihli Britanya-\u0130ran anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n iptal oldu\u011fu ilan edildi. Nisan\u2019\u0131n 17\u2019sinde ise ba\u015fbakan \u0130ngiliz ordusunun \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 terk etmesini i\u00e7eren bir a\u00e7\u0131klamada bulundu. Ger\u00e7ekte bu anla\u015fma iptal edilmi\u015fti, \u0130ngiliz askerlerinin \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 terk etmesi ise devlet darbesinden \u00f6nce ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yeni ba\u015fbakan\u0131n bu hareketleri ilk olarak halk aras\u0131nda \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131k yaratt\u0131. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te Britanya maliye m\u00fc\u015favirinin yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 H.J.M. Balfour, Tebriz\u2019de \u0130ran milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi konumundan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f edenler \u2018zor duruma d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc yeni rejim onlar\u0131n program\u0131na tam uygun ruhta faaliyet g\u00f6steriyorsa da, O\u2019nun [Seyid Ziya\u2019n\u0131n] \u0130ngilizlerle yak\u0131n dostlu\u011fu Tebrizlilerin g\u00f6z\u00fcnde en b\u00fcy\u00fck engel idi\u2019 [93]<\/a>diye yazmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00dclkede demokratik hareketin bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p d\u00fczenin sa\u011flanamamas\u0131ndan k\u0131sa s\u00fcre sonra b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fclk sahipleri-burjuva \u00e7evreleri Seyid Ziya\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 itiraz etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Eski aristokrasi onun \u2018if\u015fa edici\u2019 a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131ndan, ayr\u0131ca Ka\u00e7ar \u015fehzadelerinden baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n hapsedilmesinden rahats\u0131zd\u0131. Artan genel memnuniyetsizlikten devlet darbesinin as\u0131l fig\u00fcr\u00fc, Kazak divizyonunun yeni komutan\u0131 R\u0131za Han Savadkuhi [94]<\/a>yararland\u0131, eski m\u00fcttefiki Seyid Ziya\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flat\u0131lan kampanyaya kat\u0131ld\u0131. Yeni Kavam\u00fcsseltene h\u00fck\u00fcmetinde savunma bakan\u0131 olan R\u0131za Han y\u00f6netim basamaklar\u0131nda h\u0131zla ilerlemeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu alanda ona \u0130ngilizler \u00f6nemli yard\u0131mlar sa\u011flad\u0131lar.[95]<\/a> \u00dclkenin askeri g\u00fc\u00e7lerini eline ge\u00e7iren savunma bakan\u0131 1923 y\u0131l\u0131nda art\u0131k siyasi h\u00e2kimiyet iddia ediyordu. Ekim 1923\u2019te yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan \u00fclkeye d\u00f6nen Sultan Ahmed \u015eah, R\u0131za Han\u0131 ba\u015fbakan tayin etmeye mecbur oldu[96]<\/a>. Yeni ba\u015fbakan\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131yla yeniden yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na giden Sultan Ahmed \u015eah karde\u015fini kendisinin naibi ilan etti, ancak o gittikten sonra R\u0131za Han, \u015eah naibinden siyasete kar\u0131\u015fmayaca\u011f\u0131 konusunda yaz\u0131l\u0131 taahh\u00fct ald\u0131. R\u0131za Han, 1923 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n son aylar\u0131ndan Ka\u00e7ar s\u00fclalesinin devrilmesi, genellikle monar\u015finin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve \u00fclkede cumhuriyet rejiminin kurulmas\u0131 do\u011frultusunda kampanya ba\u015flatt\u0131. R\u0131za Han h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin gizli y\u00f6netimi alt\u0131nda Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n devrilmesi ve \u2018cumhuriyet u\u011fruna hareket\u2019 s\u00fcrecinde miting ve g\u00f6steriler d\u00fczenleniyor, gazetelerde Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n geli\u015fimine engel oldu\u011fu, cumhuriyet y\u00f6netim \u015feklinin \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fckleri anlat\u0131l\u0131yor, Meclis\u2019te bu meselelerle ilgili R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131n taraftarlar\u0131 \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir kampanya y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyorlard\u0131. [97]<\/a>Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n \u0130ran tarihindeki rol\u00fc, onlara kar\u015f\u0131 propaganda bir\u00e7ok hallerde bas\u0131nda Fars \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekli al\u0131yordu. Propagandan\u0131n bu taraf\u0131 o kadar a\u00e7\u0131k tezah\u00fcr ediliyordu ki, Sovyet Azerbaycan\u0131\u2019nda bile bunun fark\u0131nda olanlar vard\u0131. Kom\u00fcnist yazar Mehmet Said Ordubad\u00ee 2 Nisan 1924\u2019te Kommunist gazetesinde bu propagandaya itiraz ederek, baz\u0131 \u0130ran gazeteleri, \u2018Farslara yabanc\u0131 oldu\u011fu (T\u00fcrk olduklar\u0131) i\u00e7in Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n i\u015f ba\u015f\u0131ndan \u00e7ekilmesini gerekli biliyorlar\u2019 diye yaz\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131n taraftarlar\u0131 Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n eski dayana\u011f\u0131 Azerbaycan\u2019da faaliyette bulunulmas\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem veriyorlard\u0131. Ka\u00e7arlara kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen kampanyada R\u0131za Han Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n m\u00fclk sahibi-burjuva \u00e7evrelerini kendi taraf\u0131na \u00e7ekebildi. Mart 1924\u2019te insan tasvirini yasaklayan \u0130slam kurallar\u0131n\u0131 bozarak, Tebriz\u2019deki \u015fehir garnizonunda R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131n heykelinin dikilmesi ihti\u015famla kutland\u0131. Yukar\u0131da bahsedilen Ru\u015feni Bark\u0131n ile Mahmud Ganizade ve R\u0131zazade \u015eafak aras\u0131ndaki polemikte R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131n \u015fahsiyeti meselesi de s\u00f6z konusu olmu\u015ftur. Ru\u015feni Bark\u0131n\u2019\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019da T\u00fcrklerin \u2018as\u0131ls\u0131z efsanelere kap\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131\u2019, T\u00fcrklere \u2018u\u00e7urumlar kaz\u0131lan bir muhitin\u2019 olu\u015fturuldu\u011funu, R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131 dahi sayman\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu i\u00e7eren fikirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 Mahmud Ganizade \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cSerdar Sepeh hazretleri (R\u0131za Han) hi\u00e7bir zaman dahi olmak iddias\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmemi\u015f, o gayet sade, gayet m\u00fctavaz\u0131 bulunmakla beraber, demir pen\u00e7e, metin bir azim ve iradeye sahiptir ki, o sayede sizin efsane addetdi\u011finiz o muntazam orduyu kurarak… g\u00fcvenlik ve asayi\u015fi \u0130ran\u2019a getirmi\u015ftir. Siz ona ister \u2018\u0130ngiliz k\u00f6lesi\u2019, ister ne diyorsan\u0131z deyiniz, biz \u0130ran\u00eeler R\u0131za Han hazretlerine tap\u0131yor ve o zattan gelece\u011fe ait daha b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015feyler bekliyoruz.\u201d [98]<\/a>1925 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n yaz\u0131nda R\u0131za Han, Tebriz, Hoy, Salmas ve Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer \u015fehirlerine seyahat etti. O, Tahran\u2019dan yola \u00e7\u0131kmadan \u00f6nce yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamada bu eyalete gitme davetini Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n \u0130ran kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki \u00f6zel hizmetleri kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kabul etti\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Asl\u0131nda ise bu, Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131 devirmeye haz\u0131rl\u0131k konusunda \u015fahsen talimatlar verdi\u011fi \u2018g\u00f6zlem seyahatiydi.\u2019 [99]<\/a>\u0130ki ay sonra Azerbaycan\u2019da Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n devrilmesi i\u00e7in a\u00e7\u0131k ve \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc kampanya ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131. T\u00fcccarlar, m\u00fclk sahipleri ve sanatkarlar \u015fehirlerin \u00e7o\u011funda, \u00f6zellikle Tebriz\u2019de askeri komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n talimat\u0131yla g\u00f6steri ve mitingler d\u00fczenliyor, halk\u0131 genel greve \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131yorlard\u0131. Mitinge kat\u0131lanlar Meclis temsilcilerini \u2018vatan hainleri\u2019 olarak niteliyor, kesin \u00f6nlemlerin al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 talep ediyorlard\u0131. Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n m\u00fclk sahipleri-burjuva \u00e7evreleri R\u0131za Han\u2019a yard\u0131m amac\u0131 ile Tebriz\u2019de Azerbaycan Mill\u00ee Hareketi Birle\u015fik Komisyonu ismiyle te\u015fkilat kurdular. Gazete yazarlar\u0131, bakanl\u0131klar, siyasi aktivistler ve Meclis \u00fcyeleri bu te\u015fkilat i\u00e7in telgraflar al\u0131yorlard\u0131. Bu te\u015fkilat\u0131n telgraflar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ran milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve Fars \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ruhunda kaleme al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 dikkat \u00e7ekicidir. Bunlar \u2018Mo\u011fol evlatlar\u0131 Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n Azerbaycan sayesinde var olduklar\u0131\u2019 ve \u2018Keyan taht\u0131n\u0131 gaspettikleri\u2019 gibi s\u00f6zlerle doluydu. Tebriz\u2019deki bu te\u015fkilat \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u015fehirlerindeki yak\u0131n te\u015fkilatlar\u0131n koordinasyon merkez\u00ee rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynuyordu. Tebriz\u2019den onlara g\u00f6nderilen telgraflarda talimatlar veriliyor, ancak Tebriz\u2019e gelen telgraflar hesap sorma karakteri ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Tebriz\u2019deki bu te\u015fkilata tabi olan ve onun yerel te\u015fkilat\u0131 olarak Tahran\u2019da Ya\u015fayan Azerbaycan M\u00fcttehitleri te\u015fkilat\u0131 kurulmu\u015ftu. Do\u011frudan bu te\u015fkilat\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yle Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n devrilmesi kampanyas\u0131nda faaliyet g\u00f6stermeyen Meclis\u2019in Azerbaycan temsilcileri tutukland\u0131 ve bu temsilcilerin Meclis\u2019e girmesi yasakland\u0131.[100]<\/a><\/p>\n

Tebrizlilerin taleplerini Meclis\u2019in \u00f6nemsemedi\u011fine itiraz mahiyetinde Ekim\u2019in ba\u015flar\u0131nda Tebriz \u00e7ar\u015f\u0131s\u0131 kapand\u0131, daha sonra R\u0131za Han taraftarlar\u0131 \u015fehirdeki devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Ekim\u2019in 29\u2019unda onlar bildiri yay\u0131nlayarak, Tebriz\u2019in Tahran\u2019la ili\u015fkisini kesti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131lar. Kentte ba\u015fkent \u00fczerine y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f i\u00e7in \u2018g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc gruplar\u2019 olu\u015fturulmaya ba\u015fland\u0131.[101]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu arada cumhuriyet d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, yeni devrimci hareket dalgas\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131ndan \u00e7ekinen feodal aristokrasi ve ruhani kesimin direni\u015fiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Kendi h\u00e2kimiyetini peki\u015ftirerek \u2018cumhuriyet plan\u0131\u2019ndan imtina eden R\u0131za Han, Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n n\u00fcfuzunun azalt\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde faaliyetini derinle\u015ftirdi. 1925 y\u0131l\u0131 \u015eubat ay\u0131nda R\u0131za Han, Ka\u00e7arlarla her t\u00fcr i\u015fbirli\u011finin kesilmesi meselesini Meclis\u2019e sundu. Meclis R\u0131za Han\u2019a Ba\u015fkomutan yetkileri verdi. 29 Ekim\u2019de \u0130ran Meclisi\u2019nde Ka\u00e7ar s\u00fclalesinin devrilmesini talep eden Azerbaycan\u2019dan gelen telgraflar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmesine ba\u015fland\u0131. 31 Ekim\u2019de Meclis Ka\u00e7ar s\u00fclalesinin y\u00f6netiminin iptali, ge\u00e7ici y\u00f6netimin R\u0131za Han\u2019a verilmesi, ayr\u0131ca y\u00f6netimin gelece\u011fi ile ilgili kurucu meclisin kurulmas\u0131 konusunda karar ald\u0131.[102]<\/a> Polis ve askeri bask\u0131 ortam\u0131nda ge\u00e7irilen yeni Meclis se\u00e7imlerinde \u00e7o\u011funlukla R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131n taraftarlar\u0131 \u2018se\u00e7ildiler.\u2019 Bu yeni Meclis 12 Aral\u0131k 1925\u2019te R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131, R\u0131za \u015eah Pehlev\u00ee ad\u0131 ile \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u015fah\u0131 ilan etti. Mevcut Anayasan\u0131n monar\u015fi ailesi ile ilgili d\u00f6rt maddesi de\u011fi\u015ftirildi, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n devlet kurulu\u015fu ise de\u011fi\u015ftirilemez olarak kald\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bununla da Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n mutlak h\u00e2kimiyetinin anayasal monar\u015fiyle de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi, daha sonra anayasal monar\u015fi y\u00f6netim \u015feklinin krizle sonu\u00e7lanan d\u00f6nemi sona ermi\u015f oldu. \u2018Soyundan uzakla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve manen, cismen y\u0131pranm\u0131\u015f Ka\u00e7ar s\u00fclalesi\u2019 (Ahmed A\u011fao\u011flu) [103]<\/a>tarihin tozlu sayfalar\u0131nda yerini ald\u0131<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nem (1905-1925) mill\u00ee m\u00fcnasebetlerde yeni bir durum yaratt\u0131. Milletle\u015fme ve mill\u00ee bilin\u00e7 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan di\u011ferlerini \u00e7ok geride b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f olan Farslar, siyasi s\u00fcreci mill\u00ee \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda y\u00f6netmeyi ba\u015fard\u0131lar. 1925 y\u0131l\u0131nda Farslar h\u00e2kim millet stat\u00fcs\u00fcne sahip oldular.<\/p>\n

\u0130ran T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu 20 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve modernle\u015fmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00f6zveri ile \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131, kendisinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olan Ka\u00e7arlar\u0131n h\u00e2kimiyetinin zay\u0131flamas\u0131, daha sonra t\u00fcm\u00fcyle y\u00f6netimi b\u0131rakmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7aba g\u00f6sterdi. T\u00fcm bunlar gelecek mill\u00ee sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n sebeplerinden biri oldu.<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> Ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bilgi i\u00e7in, \u00f6rne\u011fin, bkz: Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarih-e Me\u015frute-ye \u0130ran, Tahran: Emir Kebir, 1978; \u041c. \u0421. \u0418\u0432\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432, \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0441\u043a\u0430\u044f \u0440\u0435\u0432\u043e\u043b\u044e\u0446\u0438\u044f 1905-1911 \u0433\u043e\u0434\u043e\u0432, \u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430, 1957; Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982;C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycan tarixinin o\u00e7erki (1828-1927), Bak\u0131: Elm, 1985, s.112-186.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Beste oturmak \u2013 \u0130ran\u2019da itiraz\u0131n bir \u015fekli olup dokunulmaz say\u0131lan yerlerde (cami, m\u00fcctehidin evi, telgrafhane, d\u0131\u015f temsilcilikler vs.) protestocunun ge\u00e7ici eylemi idi.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Bkz: Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarih-e\u00a0 Me\u015frute-ye\u00a0 \u0130ran, s. 155-164<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Mansure Refii, Enc\u00fcmen (Organ-e Enc\u00fcmen-e Eyal\u0259ti-ye Azerbaycan), Tahran: Tarih-e \u0130ran, 1362, s.85.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycan tarixinin o\u00e7erki (1828-1927), s.136.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Ervand Abrahamian, \u0130ran Between Two Revolutions, p. 91; K\u0259r\u0259m Caferi, Qovmiyy\u0259tha v\u0259 kanune\u00a0 \u0259sasi d\u0259r \u0130ran, Tahran: Endi\u015fe-ye Nev, 1386, s. 63<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> \u0421\u0431\u043e\u0440\u043d\u0438\u043a \u0434\u0438\u043f\u043b\u043e\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u0434\u043e\u043a\u0443\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0442\u043e\u0432, \u043a\u0430\u0441\u0430\u044e\u0449\u0438\u0445\u0441\u044f \u0441\u043e\u0431\u044b\u0442\u0438\u0439 \u0432 \u041f\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0438\u0438, \u0432\u044b\u043f\u0443\u0441\u043a 1, \u0421\u041f\u0431, 1911, \u0441. 264.<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Muhammed Bager Veycuyeyi, Belva-ye\u00a0 T\u0259briz, Tebriz, 1324, s.145.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> Settar Han (1867-1914) \u2013 Me\u015frutiyet hareketinin efsanevi kahraman\u0131 Karada\u011f\u2019da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck t\u00fcccar ailesinde do\u011fdu. Onun ail\u0259si \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ruhuyla se\u00e7ilmi\u015f, a\u011fabeyi Kuzey\u2019den ge\u00e7en Ka\u00e7ak Ferhad\u2019\u0131 gizledi\u011fi i\u00e7in idam edilmi\u015f, di\u011fer karde\u015fi de Ka\u00e7ar hakimiyetinin haks\u0131z kurbanlar\u0131ndan biri olmu\u015ftur. Settar devlet memurlu\u011funa girse de burada uzun m\u00fcddet kalam\u0131yor. \u0130sy\u00e2nc\u0131 yap\u0131ya sahip olan Settar devrim ba\u015flarken ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Tebriz\u2019deki Emrek\u0131z mahallesinde silahl\u0131 birlik kurar ve Me\u015frutiyetcileri savunur. Azerbaycan Eyalet Enc\u00fcmeni, devrime hizmetlerinden dolay\u0131 ona \u2018Serdar-\u0131 Mill\u00ee\u2019 \u00fcnvan\u0131 verir. Ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bilgi i\u00e7in bkz: Esmail Emirhizi, K\u0131y\u00e2m-e\u00a0 Azerbaycan ve Settarhan, Tahran, 1336; Rahim Reisniya, Abdolhoseyn Nahid, Do mobarez-e conbe\u015f-e Me\u015frute: Settarhan, \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee, Tahran: Aqah,[y\u0131ls\u0131z]; Hu\u015feng Ebrami, Settarhan Serdare Melli, Tahran: Tus, 1352; M\u0259mm\u0259drza Afiy\u0259t, S\u0259rdar-e Milli S\u0259ttarxan, Bak\u0131, 1968; G\u00f6rk\u0259mli inqilab\u00e7\u0131 S\u0259ttarxan, Bak\u0131: Az\u0259rbaycan D\u00f6vl\u0259t N\u0259\u015friyyat\u0131, 1972.<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarih-e\u00a0 Me\u015frute-ye\u00a0 \u0130ran, s. 888; C\u0259nubi Azerbaycan tarixinin o\u00e7erki (18281927), s. 171.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> \u0421\u0431\u043e\u0440\u043d\u0438\u043a \u0434\u0438\u043f\u043b\u043e\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u0434\u043e\u043a\u0443\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0442\u043e\u0432, \u043a\u0430\u0441\u0430\u044e\u0449\u0438\u0445\u0441\u044f \u0441\u043e\u0431\u044b\u0442\u0438\u0439 \u0432 \u041f\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0438\u0438, \u0432\u044b\u043f\u0443\u0441\u043a 5, \u0441. 3141; Blue Book, Persia, 1911, N 1, s. 77-78, 87-88.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycan tarixinin o\u00e7erki (1828-1927), s. 178-180<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> Rus ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 N. Belova\u2019n\u0131n hesaplamalar\u0131na g\u00f6re, 1905 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n kuzey-bat\u0131 b\u00f6lgesinden Rusya\u2019ya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya (\u2018kesbkarl\u0131\u011fa\u2019) giden insanlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 300 bin\u0259 yak\u0131nd\u0131. \u041d. \u041a. \u0411\u0435\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0430, \u2018\u041e\u0431 \u043e\u0442\u0445\u043e\u0434\u043d\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435 \u0438\u0437 \u0441\u0435\u0432\u0435\u0440\u043e-\u0437\u0430\u043f\u0430\u0434\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0430 \u0432 \u043a\u043e\u043d\u0446\u0435 \u0425IX \u2013 \u043d\u0430\u0447\u0430\u043b\u0435 \u0425\u0425 \u0432.\u2019, \u0412\u043e\u043f\u0440\u043e\u0441\u044b \u0438\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0438, N 10, 1956, c. 114.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarih-e Me\u015frute-ye \u0130ran, s. 31.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> Mehmet Emin Resulzade, \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri (T\u00fcrk Yurdu ve Sebil\u00fcrre\u015faddaki Yaz\u0131lar\u0131), Haz\u0131rlayanlar Yavuz Akp\u0131nar, \u0130rfan Murat Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, Sabahattin \u00c7a\u011f\u0131n, \u0130stanbul: T\u00fcrk D\u00fcnyas\u0131 Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 Vakf\u0131,1993, s.16, 20. Muhammed Ali Mirza\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6\u011fretmeni Hazar T\u00fcrklerinden ve Musevi dinine mensup \u015eap\u015fal adl\u0131 bir Rus casusu olmu\u015ftur. O, Valiahti mutlakiyet\u00e7i yap\u0131da e\u011fitmi\u015ftir (Mehmet Metin \u00d6ren, \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri H\u00fcrriyet Hareketleri, [Ankara, 1995], s. 47. Milli \u015fair Mirza Elekber Sabir \u015fiirlerinde Muhammed Ali \u015eah\u2019la daima alay etmi\u015f, onu \u2018Memdeli\u2019 adland\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> Muhammed Bager Veycuyeyi, Belva-ye\u00a0 Tebriz, s. 7, 10.<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> Mecmue-yi\u00a0 kavanin ve mozu ve mosevvebat-e advare\u00a0 evvel ve dovvom-e kanun-gozari-ye mecles-e \u015fura-ye melli, Tehran, 1318 [1939], s. 64-84.<\/p>\n

[18]<\/a> \u0130ctimaiyun-Amiyun Partisinin merkezi Kafkasya\u2019dayd\u0131 ve ger\u00e7ek lideri Neriman Nerimanov say\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131. \u015e. \u018f.Ta\u011f\u0131yeva, \u2018N\u0259riman N\u0259rimanov\u2019un 1905-1911-ci ill\u0259r \u0130ran inqilab\u0131 il\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259dar f\u0259aliyy\u0259ti haqq\u0131nda\u2019, Az\u0259rbaycan SSR EA X\u0259b\u0259rl\u0259ri. Tarix, f\u0259ls\u0259f\u0259 v\u0259 hqquq seriyas\u0131, 1973, N 3, s. 39-41.<\/p>\n

[19]<\/a> Bu partinin program belgeleri hakk\u0131nda bkz: \u041d\u043e\u0432\u0430\u044f \u0438\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u044f \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0430. \u0425\u0440\u0435\u0441\u0442\u043e\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0438\u044f, \u041e\u0442\u0432\u0435\u0442. p\u0435\u0434\u0430\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u044b \u041c.\u0421.\u0418\u0432\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432, \u0412.\u041d.\u0417\u0430\u0439\u0446\u0435\u0432, \u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430: \u041d\u0430\u0443\u043a\u0430,\u00a0 1988, \u0441. 250-264.<\/p>\n

[20]<\/a> Ag.e., c. 264-265.<\/p>\n

[21]<\/a> Hoseyn Ommid, Tarih-e\u00a0 ferheng-e\u00a0 Azerbaycan, Tebriz, 1332, s.49.<\/p>\n

[22]<\/a> \u00d6rne\u011fin bkz: P\u0259rvan\u0259 M\u0259mm\u0259dli, C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycan m\u0259tbuat tarixi, Bak\u0131: Elm, 2009, s. 33-62. Urmu\u2019da yay\u0131nlanan Feryad gazetesinin\u00a0 5 May\u0131s 1907 say\u0131s\u0131nda \u201cHitabe, T\u00fcrk cavanlar\u0131na\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131da G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019daki gen\u00e7leri birli\u011fe \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rmas\u0131 ve Kuzey\u2019deki gen\u00e7lerden ibret almaya davet etmesi istisna say\u0131labilecek durum say\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u041d.\u041a.\u0411\u0435\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0430, \u041a \u0432\u043e\u043f\u0440\u043e\u0441\u0443 \u043e \u0442\u0430\u043a \u043d\u0430\u0437\u044b\u0432\u0430\u0435\u043c\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b-\u0434\u0435\u043c\u043e\u043a\u0440\u0430\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0439 \u043f\u0430\u0440\u0442\u0438\u0438 \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0430, \u0412\u043e\u043f\u0440\u043e\u0441\u044b \u0438\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0438 \u0438 \u043b\u0438\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0430\u0442\u0443\u0440\u044b \u0441\u0442\u0440\u0430\u043d \u0437\u0430\u0440\u0443\u0431\u0435\u0436\u043d\u0435\u0433\u043e \u0412\u043e\u0441\u0442\u043e\u043a\u0430, \u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430, 1960, \u0441. 122.<\/p>\n

[23]<\/a> \u015e\u0259b\u00fcst\u0259rli Mirz\u0259 \u018fli M\u00f6c\u00fcz\u2019\u00fcn \u0259s\u0259rl\u0259ri, toplayan M\u0259h\u0259mm\u0259d Ta\u011f\u0131 Zehtabi, Birinci cild,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u015e\u0259b\u00fcst\u0259r: […],1389, s. 9 (Zehtabi\u2019nin notu).<\/p>\n

[24]<\/a> \u018fhm\u0259d A\u011fao\u011flu, \u0130ran v\u0259 inqilab\u0131, Bak\u0131: Az\u0259rn\u0259\u015fr, 2009, s.116.<\/p>\n

[25]<\/a> Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarih-e Me\u015frute-ye \u0130ran, II cild, s. 48.<\/p>\n

[26]<\/a> A.g.e., s.50-51.<\/p>\n

[27]<\/a> Mecmue-yi\u00a0 kavanin ve mosevvebat-e advare evvel ve dovvom-e kanun-gozari-ye mecles-e \u015fura-ye melli, s.3.<\/p>\n

[28]<\/a> \u041d\u043e\u0432\u0430\u044f \u0438\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u044f \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0430. \u0425\u0440\u0435\u0441\u0442\u043e\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0438\u044f, c. 215.<\/p>\n

[29]<\/a> Mecmue-yi\u00a0 kavanin ve mosevvebat-e advare evvel ve dovvom-e kanun-gozari-ye mecles-e \u015fura-ye melli, s. 34,\u00a0 64<\/p>\n

[30]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 36, 41.<\/p>\n

[31]<\/a> Mehmet Emin Resulzade, \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri, s. 30.<\/p>\n

[32]<\/a> Tebrizli Ali, Edebiyyat v\u0259 milliyyet, s. 54.<\/p>\n

[33]<\/a> Ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bilgi i\u00e7in Bkz: Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarih-e hicdeh sale-ye Azerbaycan, Tehran, 1954, s. 324-336.<\/p>\n

[34]<\/a> Bkz: […] \u041c\u0438\u043b\u043b\u0435\u0440, \u2018\u0420\u0443\u0441\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0435 \u0437\u0435\u043c\u043b\u0435\u0432\u043b\u0430\u0434\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0432 \u0410\u0437\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0430\u0439\u0434\u0436\u0430\u043d\u0435\u2019, \u0418\u0437\u0432\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0438\u044f \u041c\u0438\u043d\u0438\u0441\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430 \u0418\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0440\u0430\u043d\u043d\u044b\u0445\u00a0 \u0414\u0435\u043b, 1913, \u043a\u043d\u0438\u0433\u0430 III, \u0421-\u041f\u0435\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0443\u0440\u0433, 1913, \u0441.147-168.<\/p>\n

[35]<\/a> […] \u041c\u0438\u043b\u043b\u0435\u0440, \u2018\u0422\u043e\u0440\u0433\u043e\u0432\u043b\u044f \u0438 \u043f\u0440\u043e\u043c\u044b\u0448\u043b\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c \u0410\u0437\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0430\u0439\u0434\u0436\u0430\u043d\u0430\u2019, \u0418\u0437\u0432\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0438\u044f \u041c\u0438\u043d\u0438\u0441\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430 \u0418\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0440\u0430\u043d\u043d\u044b\u0445\u00a0 \u0414\u0435\u043b, \u043a\u043d\u0438\u0433\u0430 IV, \u0421-\u041f\u0435\u0442\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0443\u0440\u0433, 1912, \u0441. 92.<\/p>\n

[36]<\/a> \u041c\u0435\u0436\u0434\u0443\u043d\u0430\u0440\u043e\u0434\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u043e\u0442\u043d\u043e\u0448\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0432 \u044d\u043f\u043e\u0445\u0443 \u0438\u043c\u043f\u0435\u0440\u0438\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437\u043c\u0430. \u0414\u043e\u043a\u0443\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0442\u044b \u0438\u0437 \u0430\u0440\u0445\u0438\u0432\u043e\u0432 \u0446\u0430\u0440\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0438 \u0432\u0440\u0435\u043c\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u043f\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0438\u0442\u0435\u043b\u044c\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430, 1878-1917, \u0441\u0435\u0440. III, N 18,\u00a0 \u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430, 1933, \u0441. 18.<\/p>\n

[37]<\/a> Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarix-e hicd\u0259h sale-ye Azerbaycan, s. 577.<\/p>\n

[38]<\/a> Ayende, cild 1, 1925. s.6.<\/p>\n

[39]<\/a> \u0130ran\u015fehr, 18.10.1923, s. 95-103.<\/p>\n

[40]<\/a> Ervand Abrahamian, \u2018Communism and Communalism in \u0130ran: The Tudah and the Firqah-i\u00a0 Dimukrat\u2019, \u0130nternational Journal of Mddle East Studies, vol 1, July 1970, no 4, p.293.<\/p>\n

[41]<\/a> Ahmed A\u011fayev, T\u00fcrk alemi-1, T\u00fcrk yurdu, say\u0131 1, y\u0131l 1, 30 Kas\u0131m 1911, s. 16-17.<\/p>\n

[42]<\/a> Mehmed Emin Resulzade, \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri (T\u00fcrk Yurdu ve Sebil\u00fcrre\u015faddaki Yaz\u0131lar\u0131), 142 s.<\/p>\n

[43]<\/a> Mehmed Emin Resulzade, \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri (T\u00fcrk Yurdu ve Sebil\u00fcrre\u015faddaki Yaz\u0131lar\u0131), s.18.<\/p>\n

[44]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 17. B\u00f6yle bir durum \u2013 yabanc\u0131 s\u00fclaleleri kendininki saymak ve ona itaat etmek bir yana, secde k\u0131lmak \u2013 yaln\u0131z Farslara ait de\u011fildi. Belli ki, \u00c7in\u2019i i\u015fgal etmi\u015f, sonra uzun as\u0131rlar onun ali hakimi olmu\u015f T\u00fcrk s\u00fclaleleri \u00c7in tarihinde bu g\u00fcn de takdir edilen, kendininki say\u0131lan s\u00fclaleler olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

[45]<\/a> Tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u0130ranbilimci Richard N. Frye \u0130ranl\u0131lar\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrden m\u00fccadele arac\u0131 olarak\u00a0 yararland\u0131klar\u0131yla ilgili, onlar \u201cSel\u00e7uklular\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerile fethettiler\u201d yaz\u0131yordu. Richard N. Frye, Iran, New York, 1953, p. 53.<\/p>\n

[46]<\/a> Mehmet Emin Resulzade, \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri (T\u00fcrk Yurdu ve Sebil\u00fcrre\u015faddaki Yaz\u0131lar\u0131),\u00a0 s.17.<\/p>\n

[47]<\/a> A.g.e.<\/p>\n

[48]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 17-18.<\/p>\n

[49]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 17.<\/p>\n

[50]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 31.<\/p>\n

[51]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 30.<\/p>\n

[52]<\/a> Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarih-e hicdeh sale-ye Azerbaycan, s. 604.\u00a0 Sovyet d\u00f6neminin \u015f\u00fcphesiz \u00e7ok faydal\u0131, ancak \u00e7eli\u015fkili \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycan tarixinin o\u00e7erki (1828-1927) [Bak\u0131:Elm, 1985] adl\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmada Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun Azerbaycan\u2019da davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 tamam\u0131yla tahrif edilmi\u015f, Bak\u00fc\u2019deki \u2018m\u00fcterakki\u2019 Ermeni gazetesine (Baku) istinaden Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n \u201cAzerbaycan\u2019da ahalinin nefretini kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d iddia edilmi\u015ftir. Bkz: s. 193-195.<\/p>\n

[53]<\/a> Ahmed Kesrevi, Tarih-e hicd\u0259h sale-ye Azerbaycan, s. 652-653, 796.<\/p>\n

[54]<\/a> \u015eerh-e hal ve egdamat-e \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee, Berlin: \u0130ran\u015fehr, 1304, s.<\/p>\n

[55]<\/a> Ali Dehgan, Serzemin-e Zerdo\u015ft. Ouza-ye tebii, siyasi, ektesadi, ferhengi, ectemai ve tarihi-ye Rezaiyye, Tahran, 1969, s. 153-154.<\/p>\n

[56]<\/a> Sarvan Ahmed Kaviyanpur, Tarih-e omumi-ye Azerbaycan, Tahran: Asya, 1346, s. 241.<\/p>\n

[57]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 242.<\/p>\n

[58]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 245.<\/p>\n

[59]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 247.<\/p>\n

[60]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 266.<\/p>\n

[61]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 266.<\/p>\n

[62]<\/a> Bkz: \u041e\u043b\u044c\u0433\u0430 \u0416\u0438\u0433\u0430\u043b\u0438\u043d\u0430, \u041d\u0430\u0446\u0438\u043e\u043d\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0435 \u0434\u0432\u0438\u0436\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u043a\u0443\u0440\u0434\u043e\u0432 \u0432 \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0435, \u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430: \u041d\u0430\u0443\u043a\u0430, 1988, \u0441.50-58.<\/p>\n

[63]<\/a> Milli \u015fair Sabir, me\u015fhur \u015fiirlerinin birinde yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cDindirir asr bizi, dinmeyiriz, a\u00e7\u0131lan toplara diksinmeyiriz\u201d fikrini belki de daha \u00e7ok G\u00fcney Az\u0259rbaycan siyasi elitin\u0259 ait ediyordu.<\/p>\n

[64]<\/a> \u018fv\u0259z H\u0259bibov, C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycanda azadl\u0131q h\u0259r\u0259kat\u0131, Bak\u0131, 1968, s. 64-115;<\/p>\n

[65]<\/a> Vidadi Mustafayev, C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycan. Milli \u015f\u00fcur (XX \u0259srin birinci yar\u0131s\u0131), s. 75.<\/p>\n

[66]<\/a> Bkz: \u041d\u043e\u0432\u0430\u044f \u0438\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u044f \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0430. \u0425\u0440\u0435\u0441\u0442\u043e\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0438\u044f,c. 264-265; \u015e\u00f6vk\u0259t Ta\u011f\u0131yeva, 1920-ci il T\u0259briz \u00fcsyan\u0131,\u00a0 Bak\u0131: Elm, 1990, s. 40.<\/p>\n

[67]<\/a> \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee hicri 1297 y\u0131l\u0131nda (1879\/80) Hamne kasabas\u0131nda t\u00fcccar ailesinde do\u011fmu\u015f, ilk \u00f6\u011frenimini burada ald\u0131ktan sonra Rusya\u2019n\u0131n Petrovsk \u015fehrine giderek, babas\u0131 ile ticaretle me\u015fgul olmu\u015ftur. Bir s\u00fcre bu \u015fehirde kald\u0131ktan sonra Tebriz\u2019e d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f, burada d\u00fcnyevi ve dini bilimleri \u00f6\u011frenmi\u015ftir. Me\u015frutiyet hareketinde faal i\u015ftirak etmi\u015f, Tebriz\u2019deki iki camide vaizlik yapm\u0131\u015f, eyalet enc\u00fcmeninin \u00fcyesi olarak Hiyaban mahallesinde savunma i\u015flerine \u00f6nderlik etmi\u015ftir. \u0130kinci meclise se\u00e7ilen \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee \u0130ran Demokrat Partisi\u2019ne kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, onun tekam\u00fcl yolu ile geli\u015fme program\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmi\u015ftir. Ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bilgi i\u00e7in, mesela, bkz: Ali Azeri, Kiyam-e \u015eeyh Muhammed \u00ee\u00eeder Tebriz, Tehran, 1329; \u015e\u00f6vk\u0259t Ta\u011f\u0131yeva, 1920-ci il T\u0259briz \u00fcsyan\u0131; \u015e\u0259rhe hal v\u0259 e\u011fdemate \u015eeyx M\u0259h\u0259mm\u0259d Xiyabani, Berlin: \u0130ran\u015f\u0259hr, 1304; Ekrem Rehimli, \u2018\u015eeyh Mehemmed Hiyaban\u00ee\u2019, Nesib Nesibli (ed.), Azerbaycan T\u00fcrklerinin \u00d6nderleri, Ankara:Berikan, 2017, s.195-207.<\/p>\n

[68]<\/a> \u015e\u00f6vk\u0259t Ta\u011f\u0131yeva, 1920-ci il T\u0259briz \u00fcsyan\u0131, s. 52.<\/p>\n

[69]<\/a> C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycan tarixinin o\u00e7erki (1828-1927), s.205.<\/p>\n

[70]<\/a> Touraj Atabaki, Azerbaijan. Ethnicity and Autonomy in Twentieth-Century Iran, London and New York: British Academic Press, p.47-48. Ahmed Kesrevi, Hiyaban\u00ee ve silahda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n Osmanl\u0131 ordusu komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla m\u00fcnasebetlerinin gerginli\u011fine sebep olarak Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun Hiyaban\u00ee\u2019nin ba\u015f\u0131buyruklu\u011funa son vermesi ve onun Ermenilerle i\u015fbirli\u011finde olmas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir. Ahmed Kesrevi, Kiyam-e \u015eeyh Mehemmed Xiyabani, Moqaddeme Mohemmed Ali Homayun Katouzian, Tehran: Ne\u015fre Merkez, 1998, s. 119.<\/p>\n

[71]<\/a> Touraj Atabaki, Azerbaijan. Ethnicity and Autonomy in Twentieth-Century Iran,s. 63.<\/p>\n

[72]<\/a> N\u0259sib N\u0259sibli, Az\u0259rbaycan Demokratik Respublikas\u0131n\u0131n xarici siyas\u0259ti, Bak\u0131: Qanun,\u00a0 2011, s. 214.<\/p>\n

[73]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 215.<\/p>\n

[74]<\/a> Ali Azeri, Kiyam-e \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee der Tebriz, Tehran, 1349, s. 367.<\/p>\n

[75]<\/a> A.g.e., s. 343.<\/p>\n

[76]<\/a> \u00c7ok sonralar 21 Azer hareketinin liderlerind\u0259n biri Salamullah Cavid konuyu \u015f\u00f6yle ifade ediyordu: \u201c\u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee ayaklanmas\u0131 neticesinde kurulan Azadistan da ele\u015ftiriliyordu ki, neden Az\u0259rbaycan\u2019a Azadistan dedil\u0259r? Halbuki merhum Hiyaban\u00ee bu h\u00fck\u00fcmetin ad\u0131n\u0131n Kuzey Azerbaycan h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin ad\u0131yla benzer olmas\u0131n\u0131 istemiyordu.\u201d Varl\u0131q, Xordad 1358, N 2, s. 56.<\/p>\n

[77]<\/a> Alireza Nabdel, Azerbaycan ve mesele-yi melli, Tehran: \u0130ld\u0131r\u0131m, 1357, s. 11.<\/p>\n

[78]<\/a> Bkz: Nasrollah Saifpour Fatemi, Diplomatic History of Persia. 1917-1923. Anglo-Russian Power Politics in Iran, New York, 1952, 1952,\u00a0 p. 245, 249; \u015e\u00f6vk\u0259t Ta\u011f\u0131yeva, N\u0259sib N\u0259sibzad\u0259, \u201819181920-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan-\u0130ran m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259ri v\u0259 Azadistan m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259si\u2019, Az\u0259rbaycan Demokratik Respublikas\u0131, Bak\u0131, 1992, s. 72.<\/p>\n

[79]<\/a> \u015eerhe hal ve e\u011fdemate \u015eeyx Mehemmed Hiyaban\u00ee, s.57.<\/p>\n

[80]<\/a> Ali Azeri, Kiyam-e \u015eeyh Mehemmed Hiyaban\u00ee der Tebriz, s. 538.<\/p>\n

[81]<\/a> Hiyaban\u00ee T\u00fcrk\u00e7e nutuk s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor, fakat bu konu\u015fmalar\u0131n metni Tecedd\u00fcd gazetesinde Fars\u00e7a yay\u0131nlan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

[82]<\/a> Vidadi Mustafayev, C\u0259nubi Az\u0259rbaycan. Milli \u015f\u00fcur (XX \u0259srin I yar\u0131s\u0131), s. 76.<\/p>\n

[83]<\/a> [Seyyid \u018fhm\u0259d] Kesrevi-Tebrizi, Azeri, ya zeban-e bastan-e Azerbayqan, \u00e7ap-e dovvom, Tahran: Taban, 1317.<\/p>\n

[84]<\/a> Kesrevi\u2019nin yanl\u0131\u015f ara\u015ft\u0131rma metodu ve uygun olarak yanl\u0131\u015f neticeleri hakk\u0131nda, mesela, bkz: Seyida\u011fa Onullahi, \u2018\u0130ran burjua aliml\u0259rinin \u0259s\u0259rl\u0259rind\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan dili tarixinin saxtala\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131\u2019,\u00a0 \u018f. Sumbatzad\u0259 (red.), Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n tarix v\u0259 m\u0259d\u0259niyy\u0259tinin burjua saktala\u015fd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131na qar\u015f\u0131, Bak\u0131: Elm, 1978, s.141-158.<\/p>\n

[85]<\/a> Memmed Azerli\u2019ye g\u00f6re, Kesrevi, \u201c\u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fcn sonlar\u0131nda Per\u00e7em adl\u0131 gazeted\u0259 yay\u0131nlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 makalede \u201cAzeri, yahut Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n eski dili\u201d eserindeki m\u00fcddealar\u0131n\u0131n siyasi ama\u00e7lar y\u00fcz\u00fcnden oldu\u011funu itiraf etmi\u015ftir. Ayr\u0131ca o, buradaki ger\u00e7eklerin ba\u015fka t\u00fcr oldu\u011funu da boynuna alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d M. Azerli, \u2018Azerbaycan dili haqq\u0131nda \u0259r\u0259bdilli m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 veril\u0259n m\u0259lumatlar\u0131n b\u0259z\u0131 \u0130ran aliml\u0259ri t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n saxtala\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131\u2019, E.Sumbatzad\u0259 (red.), Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n tarix v\u0259 m\u0259d\u0259niyy\u0259tinin burjua saktala\u015fd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131na qar\u015f\u0131, s. 168.<\/p>\n

[86]<\/a> Ru\u015feni Bark\u0131n hakk\u0131nda bkz: Cemil Ko\u00e7ak, \u2018Belgesel bir Te\u015fkilat-\u0131 Mahsusa \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fc\u2019, Tarih ve toplum. Yeni yakla\u015f\u0131mlar, say\u0131 3, Bahar 2006, s. 171-214; \u018fdal\u0259t Tahirzad\u0259, \u2018A\u015furb\u0259yli \u0130sa b\u0259y Mehdiqulu b\u0259y o\u011flu\u2019, 525-ci q\u0259zet, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11 sentyabr 2008, \u2116\u2116164, 165, 166, 167, 168.<\/p>\n

[87]<\/a> Ru\u015feni Bey, \u2018\u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u0130\u00e7 Y\u00fcz\u00fc\u2019, Vatan Gazetesi, \u0130stanbul, 15 A\u011fustos 1924.<\/p>\n

[88]<\/a> Ru\u015feni Bey, \u2018De\u015filme\u011fe Muhta\u00e7 Bir Dert. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130ran T\u00fcrkleri Neden Acemle\u015fiyor?\u2019 Vatan Gazetesi, \u0130stanblul, 25 A\u011fustos 1921.<\/p>\n

[89]<\/a> M. Ganizade, Ru\u015feni Beye Cevap, Berlin: Kavyani, 1924, s. 15.<\/p>\n

[90]<\/a> R.\u015e.Tebrizi, T\u00fcrk M\u00fctefekkirinin Nezeri-intibah\u0131na, Berlin: \u0130ran\u015fehr, 1924, s. 19.<\/p>\n

[91]<\/a> Documents on British Foreign Policy. First Series. Vol. KIII, N 668, p. 713, N 667, p. 710. Al\u0131nt\u0131: \u0421\u0430\u043b\u0435\u0445 \u0410\u043b\u0438\u0435\u0432, \u041d\u0435\u0444\u0442\u044c \u0438 \u043e\u0431\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e-\u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0435 \u0440\u0430\u0437\u0432\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0435 \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0430 \u0432 \u0425\u0425 \u0432. \u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430: \u041d\u0430\u0443\u043a\u0430, 1985, \u0441. 40-41.<\/p>\n

[92]<\/a> H\u00fcseyin Mekki\u2019nin bilgisine g\u00f6re, bu anla\u015fma tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ilk versiyonunda \u201cyeni Sovyet rejimini tan\u0131mak kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Kafkasya Azerbaycan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ran devletine verilmesi\u201d hakk\u0131nda madde vard\u0131. Hoseyn Mekki, Mokteseri ez zendeqaniye siyasiye Soltan Ahmed \u015eahe Qacar, Tehran: Amir Kebir, 1362, s. 254.<\/p>\n

[93]<\/a> H.J.M.Balfour, Recent Happinings in Persia, London, 1922, p. 242.<\/p>\n

[94]<\/a> Ervand Abrahamian, R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131n Mazenderanl\u0131 T\u00fcrk dilli bir aileden geldi\u011fini iddia eder. Ervand Abrahamian, \u0130ran Between Two Revolutions, p. 117. Bu bilgiyi di\u011fer kaynaklar teyit etmiyor.<\/p>\n

[95]<\/a> R\u0131za Han\u2019\u0131n Britanya temsilcileri General Edmond \u0130ronside, Erde\u015fir Reporter\u2019le s\u0131k\u0131 ili\u015fkileri, devlet darbesinde \u0130ngilizlerin rol\u00fc hakk\u0131nda, \u00f6rne\u011fin bkz: H\u0259kimullahi-F\u0259ridani, \u018fsrare siyasiye kudeta, Tahran, 1943;\u00a0 Alirza Asgharzadeh, \u0130ran and the Challenge of Diversity, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, p. 86-91.<\/p>\n

[96]<\/a> \u0130lgin\u00e7tir ki, Sultan Ahmed \u015eah\u2019\u0131n Avrupa\u2019ya \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc seferinden sonra onun yeniden \u00fclkeye d\u00f6nmesinin zorla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, Ka\u00e7ar s\u00fclalesinin hakimiyeti i\u00e7in tehlikenin olu\u015ftu\u011fu bir ortamda Mustafa Kemal Atat\u00fcrk, Sultan Ahmed \u015eah\u2019\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019a d\u00f6nmesine yard\u0131m teklif etmi\u015ftir. Bu ama\u00e7la \u015eah\u0131n emrine silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 verilmesi ve \u00fclkenin bat\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 yoluyla onun Tahran\u2019a dahil olmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Fakat \u201cbizim nesle yabanc\u0131 devletin yard\u0131m\u0131yla taht-tac\u0131 korumak yak\u0131\u015fmaz\u201d diyerek, Sultan Ahmed \u015eah Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn teklifini kabul etmemi\u015ftir. Hoseyn Mekki, Muhteseri ez zendegani-ye siyasi-ye Soltan Ahmed \u015eah, s. 215.<\/p>\n

[97]<\/a> Bkz:\u041e\u043a\u0442\u0430\u0439 \u041c\u0435\u043b\u0438\u043a\u043e\u0432, \u0423\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0434\u0438\u043a\u0442\u0430\u0442\u0443\u0440\u044b \u0420\u0435\u0437\u0430-\u0448\u0430\u0445\u0430 \u0432 \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0435, \u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430, 1961, \u0441. 6685; \u041a. \u0410\u0441\u0430\u0434\u0443\u043b\u043b\u0430\u0435\u0432, \u0421\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0436\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0434\u0438\u043d\u0430\u0441\u0442\u0438\u0438 \u041a\u0430\u0434\u0436\u0430\u0440\u043e\u0432 \u0432 \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0435 (1920-1925), \u0414\u0443\u0448\u0430\u043d\u0431\u0435, 1966, \u0441. 95-109.<\/p>\n

[98]<\/a> M.[Mahmud] Ganizade, Ru\u015feni Bege cevab, s. 5-6.<\/p>\n

[99]<\/a> \u041e\u043a\u0442\u0430\u0439 \u041c\u0435\u043b\u0438\u043a\u043e\u0432, \u0423\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0434\u0438\u043a\u0442\u0430\u0442\u0443\u0440\u044b \u0420\u0435\u0437\u0430-\u0448\u0430\u0445\u0430 \u0432 \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0435, c. 95-96.<\/p>\n

[100]<\/a> Bkz: Abdollah Emir Tehmaseb, Tarih-e \u015fahen\u015fahi-ye alahezret-e Reza \u015eahe Pehlevi, Tehran, [y\u0131ls\u0131z], s. 81-161.<\/p>\n

[101]<\/a> Bkz:\u0418\u0437\u0432\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0438\u044f, 30. 10. 1925; \u0420\u0435\u0432\u043e\u043b\u044e\u0446\u0438\u043e\u043d\u043d\u044b\u0439 \u0412\u043e\u0441\u0442\u043e\u043a, 1932, N 1-2, c. 151; \u041e\u043a\u0442\u0430\u0439 \u041c\u0435\u043b\u0438\u043a\u043e\u0432, \u0423\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0434\u0438\u043a\u0442\u0430\u0442\u0443\u0440\u044b \u0420\u0435\u0437\u0430-\u0448\u0430\u0445\u0430 \u0432 \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0435, c. 99.<\/p>\n

[102]<\/a> Ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bilgi i\u00e7in bkz: Hoseyn Mekki, Tarih-e bist sale-ye \u0130ran, celde sevvom, Tahran, 1326, s. 430.<\/p>\n

[103]<\/a> \u018fhm\u0259d A\u011fao\u011flu, \u0130ran v\u0259 inqilab\u0131, s.123.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sovyet ve Pehlevi rejimleri d\u00f6neminde bu \u00fclkenin ge\u00e7mi\u015fi fazlas\u0131yla tahrif edildi. Azerbaycan\u2019daki T\u00fcrk milletinin kendisini do\u011fru idrak etmesi engellenmi\u015ftir. Milletle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan temel soruya cevap verebiliyor muyuz? Biz kimiz?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":130,"featured_media":9767,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_ef_editorial_meta_date_first-draft-date":"","_ef_editorial_meta_paragraph_assignment":"","footnotes":"","_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[2,66,67,68],"tags":[1258,54,1259,1260,1237,630,1256,1257,308],"coauthors":[1246],"class_list":["post-9760","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-genel","category-siyaset-tarih","category-tehditler","category-turkluk-turkculuk","tag-20-yy","tag-azerbaycan","tag-azerbaycan-turklugu","tag-dis-turkler","tag-fars","tag-iran","tag-kacar-hanligi","tag-kacarlar","tag-turkluk"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9760","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/130"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9760"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9760\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9817,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9760\/revisions\/9817"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9767"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9760"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9760"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9760"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=9760"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}