{"id":9971,"date":"2020-05-21T19:30:00","date_gmt":"2020-05-21T16:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/?p=9971&preview=true&preview_id=9971"},"modified":"2020-05-21T03:19:25","modified_gmt":"2020-05-21T00:19:25","slug":"pehlevi-rejiminin-asimilasyon-siyaseti-zulme-direnis","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/pehlevi-rejiminin-asimilasyon-siyaseti-zulme-direnis\/","title":{"rendered":"Pehlevi rejiminin asimilasyon siyaseti: Zulme direni\u015f"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\u015eah

\u015eah Muhammed R\u0131za Pehlevi ve ailesi \u0130ran Senatosunda (Tahran 1975)<\/p><\/div>\n

\u015eah rejimi, \u0130ran’\u0131n di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerinde oldu\u011fu gibi Azerbaycan’da da tam ve e\u015fi benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir kontrole sahipti. Ancak bask\u0131 ayg\u0131t\u0131, yukar\u0131da belirtildi\u011fi gibi, 21 Azer Hareketi ve Mill\u00ee H\u00fck\u00fcmet\u2019in la\u011fv\u0131ndan sonra burada kendini daha sert, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fcst\u00fc kapal\u0131 g\u00f6stermekteydi. Yerel yetkililer Azerbaycan’daki durum hakk\u0131nda bilgi s\u0131zmas\u0131na imk\u00e2n vermemeye, buradaki ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi \u0130ran ve d\u00fcnya kamuoyundan gizlemeye mecburdu. Tesad\u00fcf de\u011fil ki, 1971 y\u0131l\u0131nda Tahran’dan gelen muhabirlerin ve yerel gazete mensuplar\u0131n\u0131n Tebriz Belediye\u2019sinin toplant\u0131lar\u0131na kat\u0131lmas\u0131 bile yasaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[1] Buna ra\u011fmen, bas\u0131na s\u0131zan bilgiler g\u00f6steriyordu ki, gizli polis \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc SAVAK\u2018\u0131n yerli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ileri, polis ve jandarma Azerbaycan’da aktif ve amans\u0131z \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Bu ba\u011flamda Ettelaat’\u0131n haberi dikkat \u00e7ekicidir. Gazetede, 10 \u015eubat 1964’te h\u00fck\u00fcmet komisyonunun iki \u00fcyesinin maceras\u0131 hakk\u0131nda \u015funlar yer al\u0131yordu: \u201cTebriz’in tarihi-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yerlerini gezerken onlar\u0131 nerden geldikleri bilinmeyen resm\u00ee \u015fah\u0131slar tutuklayarak askeri esirler gibi karakola g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fcler. Durum biraz a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturuldu. Anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131 ki, y\u00f6netim iki yabanc\u0131 ki\u015finin foto\u011fraf makinesiyle resim \u00e7ekmesinden haber al\u0131nca, idare reisi adamlar\u0131n\u0131 onlar\u0131n ard\u0131nca g\u00f6ndermi\u015f. Soru\u015fturma ba\u015flad\u0131. Kendi ismimizi ve g\u00f6rev yerimizi s\u00f6ylememize ra\u011fmen, kimli\u011fimizi netle\u015ftirmeden bizi serbest b\u0131rakmad\u0131lar. Serbest b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda arkada\u015f\u0131m\u0131n foto\u011fraflar\u0131na da el koydular.\u201d<\/p>\n

Azerbaycan T\u00fcrk meselesi<\/strong><\/h2>\n

\u00c7e\u015fitli sosyal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n Azerbaycan’daki duruma, genelde Azerbaycan\/T\u00fcrk meselesine yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ayn\u0131 de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n

Tarihsel olarak milletle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve geli\u015fti\u011fi d\u00f6nemde Azerbaycan k\u00f6kenli yar\u0131 feodaller ve sermaye sahipleri merkez\u00ee y\u00f6netimde (Tahran\u2019da) geni\u015f temsil olunmu\u015flard\u0131. Bu kesimlerin temsilcileri bazen en y\u00fcksek devlet pozisyonlar\u0131na sahiptiler. \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131’ndan sonra, absenteist yar\u0131 feodallerin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu Azerbaycan’la nominal ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 bile koparm\u0131\u015f, \u00fclkenin h\u00e2kim \u00e7evreleriyle daha s\u0131k ili\u015fki i\u00e7ersinde idiler. Bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n temsilcileri, h\u00e2kim monar\u015fiye loyall\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek i\u00e7in her f\u0131rsat\u0131 kulland\u0131lar. Bakan, senat\u00f6r, meclis \u00fcyesi, general, profes\u00f6r ve benzerlerinin \u00fcye oldu\u011fu \u2018Cemaete Azerbaycaniyane Mo\u011fime Tahran\u2019 (Tahran’da Ya\u015fayan Azerbaycanl\u0131lar Toplumu) adl\u0131 te\u015fkilat bu a\u00e7\u0131dan daha aktif idi.<\/p>\n

Azerbaycan’\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck ticari ve sanayi burjuvazisinin sermayesi giderek daha artan \u015fekilde \u2018\u0130ranl\u0131la\u015f\u0131yordu\u2019. \u00d6nceki yaz\u0131larda bahsedildi\u011fi gibi, Azerbaycan k\u00f6kenli burjuvazi \u00fclkenin b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayi merkezlerinde \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir konuma sahipti. Tahran’da ve \u00fclkenin di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerinde bulunan T\u00fcrk burjuvazisi, derinle\u015fen kapitalizm \u015fartlar\u0131nda ihtiya\u00e7 duyuldu\u011funda T\u00fcrklerin lideri olacak kadar g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyd\u00fc. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde Azerbaycan’daki burjuvazi buna k\u0131yasla daha zay\u0131ft\u0131. Dahas\u0131, 1960-70’lerde, yerel sermayenin Tahran ve \u00f6zel yabanc\u0131 sermaye ile entegrasyon s\u00fcreci devam ediyordu. Tam da bundan dolay\u0131 Azerbaycan burjuvazisi genel \u0130ran resm\u00ee veya muhalif ideolojiden farkl\u0131 olarak kendi ideolojisini kurmaya \u00f6zen g\u00f6stermedi. Ezilen Azerbaycan halk\u0131 aras\u0131nda savunmac\u0131 bir ak\u0131m\u0131n olu\u015fmamas\u0131 k\u0131smen bununla izah edilebilir.<\/p>\n

Y\u00fckselmenin tek yolu asimile olmak<\/strong><\/h2>\n

B\u00fcrokratik burjuvazinin \u00fcst katmanlar\u0131nda, ordu ve polisin y\u00fcksek makamlar\u0131nda T\u00fcrkler\u2019in say\u0131s\u0131 az de\u011fildi. Olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli sosyal g\u00fcce sahip bu kesimler, \u015eah saray\u0131n\u0131n tam kontrol\u00fcnde ve emrindeydi. Bu alanlarda \u2018y\u00fckselmenin tek yolu asimile olmaktan ge\u00e7iyordu.\u2019[2]<\/em> Onlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu soylular ve di\u011fer egemen s\u0131n\u0131flardan se\u00e7iliyorlard\u0131. Belki bundan dolay\u0131 mill\u00ee meseleye kar\u015f\u0131 tutumlar\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazinin ve soylu kesimlerin konumuyla tam bir uyum i\u00e7inde idi. B\u00f6ylece, \u0130ran’daki T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn mill\u00ee hareketinin aktif g\u00fcc\u00fc olabilecek \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ve kesimlerin sosyo-ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131, onlar\u0131n mill\u00ee (milliyet\u00e7i) d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri de\u011fil, Pan-\u0130ranist fikirlere sadakati ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc merkezka\u00e7 e\u011filimi s\u00f6z konusuydu.<\/p>\n

Kendi karakterine ve bilinen konumuna g\u00f6re (onlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda idi.) T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131 Pan-\u0130ranizm fikrinin yay\u0131lmas\u0131na ilgi g\u00f6stermekteydi.\u00a0 Resm\u00ee ideolojinin bi\u00e7imlenmesinde Kesrevi, R\u0131zazade \u015eafak, Mahmud Ef\u015far gibi T\u00fcrk k\u00f6kenli, ancak T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011fe kin besleyenlerin aktif rol almas\u0131 tesad\u00fcf say\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130ran’daki T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n siyasi-mill\u00ee ruh halinin kendine has g\u00f6stergesi, onlar\u0131n kendi mill\u00ee tarihi, dili, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn nesnel bilimsel ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na \u00e7ekingen m\u00fcnasebetleri say\u0131labilir. Burada \u015funu da ilave etmek gerektir ki, bu tarz ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 yapmak ve bu eserlerin bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131rmak Pehlevi \u0130ran\u0131\u2019nda olduk\u00e7a zor idi. Ancak b\u00f6yle eserler var olsayd\u0131, onlar\u0131 \u00fclkenin kendinde illegal ya da yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131nda legal \u015fekilde ne\u015fr etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olurdu. B\u00f6ylece \u0130ran’daki T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck istisnalarla Azerbaycan\/T\u00fcrk mill\u00ee hareketinin ideolojisini haz\u0131rlamaktan uzak durdular. Bu misyonu mill\u00ee harekette yer alan mill\u00ee ayd\u0131nlar z\u00fcmresinin yerine getirmesi d\u00fcnya tecr\u00fcbesinden bilinen durumdur.[3<\/em>]<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n siyasi a\u00e7\u0131dan daha aktif olan kesimi Mill\u00ee Cephe\u2019ye, hatta dini muhalefete yak\u0131nd\u0131. Mill\u00ee Cephe siyasi program\u0131nda kendisini mill\u00ee \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hareketlerinin, \u00f6zellikle Yak\u0131n ve Orta Do\u011fu\u2019daki hareketlerin taraftar\u0131 gibi g\u00f6stermesine ra\u011fmen, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u00e7ok milletli yap\u0131ya sahip olmas\u0131 ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine, uygun olarak \u0130ran devleti \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde mill\u00ee \u00f6zerklik taleplerinin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilece\u011fini dahi kabul etmiyordu. \u0130ran’\u0131n yeni tarihinin \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00f6nemlerinde \u0130ran’daki Fars olmayan baz\u0131 halklar\u0131n mill\u00ee \u00f6zerklik u\u011frunda yapt\u0131klar\u0131 m\u00fccadele, \u00f6zellikle 1945-1946\u2019da Azerbaycan ve K\u00fcrdistan’daki hareketler kom\u015fu devletlerin g\u00fc\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bir sonucu olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131yordu.[4<\/em>]<\/p>\n

B\u00fcnyesinde T\u00fcrkler\u2019in say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n az olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 din adamlar\u0131na gelince, onlar \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n M\u00fcsl\u00fcman n\u00fcfusunu b\u00f6l\u00fcnmez bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak kabul ederlerdi. \u2018Millet\u2019 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 onlar\u0131n yorumuna g\u00f6re etnik birlik de\u011fil, konfesyonel (dini) birlik idi. Ruhaniyete yak\u0131n olan sa\u011f ter\u00f6rist \u2018Fedayane-\u0130slam\u2019 (\u0130slam Sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131) te\u015fkilat\u0131 a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u015fovenist pozisyonda durmaktayd\u0131; \u2018\u0130ran milletinin m\u00fcstesnal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u2019 ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6lgede lider rol\u00fcn\u00fc savunuyordu. Bir di\u011fer \u00f6rg\u00fct \u2013 \u2018Hezbe Mellete Eslam\u2019 (\u0130slam Milletinin Partisi) da aktif \u015fekilde \u015eiilik fakt\u00f6r\u00fc\u00a0 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Pan-\u0130ranizmfikrini savunuyordu. \u015eah rejimine muhalif fikir adamlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda Ali \u015eeriati\u2019nin (1932-1976) eserleri inan\u0131lmaz bir pop\u00fclerlik kazanmakta idi. Me\u015fhed’de geleneksel bir ailenin ve \u00e7evrenin yeti\u015ftirmesi olan \u015eeriati, Sorbonne’da \u00f6\u011frenim g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f, Bat\u0131 metodlar\u0131 ile geleneksel \u0130ran de\u011ferlerini g\u00fcncelle\u015ftirmi\u015f, \u0130ran\/Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin sembollerinden olan \u015eiili\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc tebli\u011f etmi\u015ftir. Onun Bazge\u015ft Be Xi\u015ften (Kendine D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f) konseptinin temelinde de ku\u015fkusuz \u015eiili\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 bulunur.[5]<\/em><\/p>\n

Fedai ve M\u00fccahid \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin mill\u00ee meseleye yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 dahi kendili\u011finden \u00f6zel ilgi do\u011furur. Bu te\u015fkilatlar\u0131n Azerbaycan’da olu\u015fan yerel gruplar\u0131, 1960’l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda \u00f6\u011frencilerin, orta kesimden olan ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Tebriz\u2019de Fedailer grubu 1965 y\u0131l\u0131nda kuruldu. Olu\u015fumunda Behruz Dehgani, E\u015fref Dehgani ve Ali R\u0131za Nabdel) yer ald\u0131lar. Behruz Dehgani (1971\u2019de \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc) ve onun k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u0131z karde\u015fi E\u015fref fakir bir T\u00fcrk ailesinde do\u011fmu\u015f, k\u00f6y okullar\u0131nda \u00f6\u011fretmenlik yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Babalar\u0131 1940’l\u0131 y\u0131llarda Tude’nin aktif \u00fcyelerindendir. Ali R\u0131za Nabdel, Tahran \u00dcniversitesi Edebiyat Fak\u00fcltesinde okumu\u015f, orta okulda ders vermi\u015fti. O\u2019nun da babas\u0131 40’l\u0131 y\u0131llarda Tude ve Demokrat F\u0131rkas\u0131’n\u0131n aktif \u00fcyesi olmu\u015ftur. M\u00fccahidler grubunun te\u015fkilatlanmas\u0131nda Azerbaycanl\u0131 gen\u00e7ler Muhammed Hanif Nejad, M. Askerzade, M.Bazargani ve A.Mihendust-Hanif Nejad aktif rol oynam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.[6]<\/em><\/p>\n

\"Samed

“…Samed Behrengi ve Behruz Dehgani folklor materyallerini toplad\u0131lar ve Azerbaycan\/T\u00fcrk halk yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6rneklerinden ibaret 5 mecmua yay\u0131mlad\u0131lar…”<\/p><\/div>\n

Bu y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrk gen\u00e7li\u011finin mill\u00ee meselelere ilgisinin artt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Nabdel bu ba\u011flamda \u015funlar\u0131 yazmaktad\u0131r: \u201c1960’l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda, \u0130ran’da yeni fikirlerin meydana \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemde, Azerbaycan gen\u00e7lerinin bilincinde mill\u00ee zulm\u00fcn ger\u00e7ek y\u00fcz\u00fc benzersiz g\u00fc\u00e7 ve apa\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekil ald\u0131. Mill\u00ee meseleyi yak\u0131ndan anlayabilmek i\u00e7in onlar mill\u00ee medeniyeti, ilk \u00f6nce ise ana dillerini, edebiyatlar\u0131n\u0131 ve m\u00fcziklerini \u00f6\u011frenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar.\u201d[7] \u0130ran\u2019da pop\u00fcler \u00e7ocuk kitab\u0131 yazar\u0131 olan Samed Behrengi ve Behruz Dehgani folklor materyallerini toplad\u0131lar ve Azerbaycan\/T\u00fcrk halk yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6rneklerinden ibaret 5 mecmua yay\u0131mlad\u0131lar; Dehgani edebiyat\u0131n toplumda etkisi \u00fczerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 yay\u0131mlad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n i\u00e7erisinde en \u00f6nemlisi Ali R\u0131za Nabdel’in Azerbaycan ve\u00a0 Mesele-yi Melli [Azerbaycan ve Mill\u00ee Mesele] ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 kitap\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 oldu. Bu eser 1960’l\u0131 y\u0131llarda yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131, ancak onun \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden \u00e7ok sonra yay\u0131mland\u0131. Ali R\u0131za Nabdel, \u2018Oktay\u2019 mahlas\u0131 ile T\u00fcrk\u00e7e ve Fars\u00e7a \u015fiirler yazm\u0131\u015f, ayd\u0131n kesimin gen\u00e7, \u00fcmit veren g\u00f6rkemli bir temsilcisi olmu\u015ftur. O, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u2018Sazemane \u00c7erikha-ye Fediyan-e Halk-e Iran\u2019\u0131n (\u0130ran Halk\u0131n\u0131n Fedayi Sava\u015fc\u0131lar\u0131 Te\u015fkilat\u0131, Fedailer) se\u00e7kin liderlerinden biri idi. 1350 (1971\/72) y\u0131l\u0131nda \u015eah cellatlar\u0131n\u0131n eline ge\u00e7en Ali R\u0131za Nabdel’in i\u015fkenceler sonucunda \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcne zarar verebilece\u011fi endi\u015fesi ile polis hastanesinde intihar etmesi olay\u0131 sol kesim i\u00e7inde dillere destan olmu\u015ftur. Bu fedakar ve yetenekli insan\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden sonra ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en kitap yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[8<\/em>] Bu kitapta yer alan fikirler sadece Ali R\u0131za Nabdel\u2019in teorik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 de\u011fil, sol te\u015fkilatlar\u0131n \u00fclkedeki mill\u00ee meselelere, \u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan meselesine ilgisinin a\u00e7\u0131k bir i\u015faretidir.<\/p>\n

\u0130ran\u2019da Azerbaycan meselesinin olu\u015fmas\u0131nda tarih\u00ee konulara ba\u015fvuran yazar, daha ilk ad\u0131mda \u00e7\u0131kmaza girer. Azeri dili ve edebiyat\u0131 nas\u0131l meydana geldi? ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcmde O, meseleye co\u011frafyaya dayal\u0131 Pan-\u0130ranist kimlik kavram\u0131 \u00fczerinden yakla\u015f\u0131r. \u2018Fars-Ariya \u015fovenizmi\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 resm\u00ee \u0130ran tarih\u00e7ili\u011finin zay\u0131f kan\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctme\u011fe \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Resm\u00ee tarih\u00e7ili\u011fin Azerbaycan hakk\u0131nda esas tezlerini s\u0131ras\u0131yla tekrarlad\u0131ktan sonra Nabdel) \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: \u201c\u015eovenistler, Azerbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n diyelim ki 800 y\u0131l \u00f6nce Fars dilinde konu\u015ftuklar\u0131 konusunda iddia ediyorlar ve bunu kan\u0131tlamay\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlar, b\u00f6ylelikle devrin en b\u00fcy\u00fck problemini \u00e7\u00f6zm\u00fc\u015f olacaklar\u0131n\u0131 sanmaktad\u0131rlar. H\u00e2lbuki bu konunun kan\u0131tlanmaya hi\u00e7 ihtiyac\u0131 yoktur, onu \u00e7ok kolayca kabul etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.\u201d[9<\/em>] Yazara g\u00f6re, \u2018y\u00fczy\u0131llarca bu topraklarda ya\u015fayan milyonlarca insan\u0131n dilinin\u2019 ya\u015fama hakk\u0131 vard\u0131r. Prensip itibariyle bu, mant\u0131kl\u0131 bir yakla\u015f\u0131md\u0131r. Ancak bize g\u00f6re bu yeterli de\u011fildir. Nabdel\u2019in baz\u0131 \u0130ran tarih\u00e7ilerinin tarihe ayk\u0131r\u0131 \u015fekilde\u00a0 \u2018Safeviler\u2019in zorla ahalinin dilini T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirdikleri\u2019 iddialar\u0131n\u0131 da \u2018hatta g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de devlet memurlar\u0131n\u0131n ayaklar\u0131 baz\u0131 k\u00f6ylere de\u011fmiyor\u2019 kinayeli tespiti ile \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctmesi de bu t\u00fcrdendir.<\/p>\n

Ali R\u0131za Nabdel, mill\u00ee tarih hakk\u0131nda di\u011fer alternatife sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, daha do\u011frusu farkl\u0131 teorik yakla\u015f\u0131mdan muhtemelen habersiz oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in Pan-\u0130ranist bak\u0131\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 anlaml\u0131 bir cevap ortaya koymam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ya da koyamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla mensup oldu\u011fu etnik birli\u011fin (Azerbaycan halk\u0131n\u0131n) ad\u0131 ile ili\u015fkili Nabdelin\u2019in bilime dayal\u0131 bir fikri yoktur, ayn\u0131 sayfada bile Azeriler, T\u00fcrkler, T\u00fcrkdilli Azeri halk\u0131, Azerbaycanl\u0131lar etnonimine rastlan\u0131r. T\u00fcrkler ve T\u00fcrk dili\u2019nin e\u015f anlam\u0131 olarak bolca kullan\u0131lan Azeriler, Azeri dili terimi de bilimsel ve nesnel de\u011fil, s\u0131k s\u0131k vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere Fars-Ariya \u015fovenizminin uydurmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Nabdel, \u0130slam\u2019dan sonraki d\u00f6nemde Fars \u015e\u00fcubiye hareketi, \u015eahname konusuna i\u015faret ederek, onu \u2018g\u00f6vmgerai\u2019 (\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k) olarak tan\u0131mlar ve Azerbaycan\u2019da bu t\u00fcr e\u011filimlerin (\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n) olmamas\u0131ndan memnun oldu\u011funu kayd eder. 20. yy. ba\u015flar\u0131ndan itibaren Pan-\u0130ranizm\u2019in \u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrk halk\u0131na y\u00f6nelik gerici bir karakter almas\u0131n\u0131, T\u00fcrkleri zorla Farsla\u015ft\u0131rma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor veya g\u00f6rmek istemiyordur.<\/p>\n

Nabdel ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrklerin siyasi alandaki fedak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Fars unsurunun Me\u015frutiyet \u0130nk\u0131lab\u0131\u2019ndan daha karl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131 (\u00f6rne\u011fin, Fars dilinin devlet dili ilan edilmesini) bilmiyor ya da bilmek istemiyor. \u015eeyh Muhammed Hiyaban\u00ee\u2019nin \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 u\u011frunda m\u00fccadelesinden, Kuzey Azerbaycan\u2019dan teorik olarak farkl\u0131 olmak ad\u0131na G\u00fcney\u2019in ad\u0131n\u0131 \u2018Azadistan\u2019 koymas\u0131n\u0131 hayranl\u0131kla vurgulayan yazar, Tebriz Ayaklanmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u2018Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrk yurdu olmas\u0131nda\u2019 \u0131srar edenleri \u2018\u0130ran demokratik hareketine tefrige ve ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k salanlar\u2019 olarak k\u00f6t\u00fclemektedir.[10]<\/p>\n

R\u0131za Pehlevi diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na getirdi\u011fi belalardan geni\u015f bahseden Nabdel, mill\u00ee dillerin bo\u011fulmas\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca bir c\u00fcmle ile bahseder. Solun Kesrevisi – Taki Arani ve onun faaliyeti Nabdel\u2019in y\u00fcksek be\u011fenisini kazan\u0131r. O, Mirza Ali M\u00f6c\u00fcz\u2019\u00fcn hayat ve yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rarak \u015funlar\u0131 ortaya koymu\u015ftur: \u201cM\u00f6c\u00fcz Azerice yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, ama bu onun millili\u011finden de\u011fil de halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ileri geliyordu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Azerice yazmasayd\u0131 s\u0131radan insanlar onu anlayamazd\u0131.\u201d[11]<\/p>\n

Ali R\u0131za Nabdel\u2019in 21 Azer Hareketi\u2019ne bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 da olumsuzdur. Azerbaycan Demokrat F\u0131rkas\u0131 ve liderlerine kar\u015f\u0131 baz\u0131 hakl\u0131 ele\u015ftirileri olsa da bu hareketin karakteri hakk\u0131nda yazar\u0131n verdi\u011fi yanl\u0131\u015f de\u011fer (b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck) kendinin de ifade etti\u011fi gibi \u2018Fars \u015fovenistleri ve Ari \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n\u2019 de\u011ferlendirmesinden farkl\u0131 de\u011fil. Onun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine g\u00f6re, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6z konusu d\u00f6nemdeki antagonizmleri aras\u0131nda (feodaller-k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazi-proletarya ve \u015fehir emek\u00e7ileri) mill\u00ee problemler yoktu. Azerbaycan demokratlar\u0131n\u0131n mill\u00ee dil slogan\u0131n\u0131 Nabdel \u2018ahmakl\u0131k\u2019 olarak nitelendirmekteydi.[12]<\/p>\n

“PanT\u00fcrkizm vir\u00fcs\u00fc”<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Ali R\u0131za Nabdel eserinin Yeni A\u015famada Mill\u00ee E\u011filimler ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde 1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda \u0130ran fikir hayat\u0131nda yeni de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin meydana \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kaydeder. Yazar Azerbaycan\u2019da bu e\u011filimin esasen mill\u00ee dil ve edebiyata ilginin artmas\u0131nda kendini g\u00f6sterdi\u011fini vurgular. Buna ek olarak da “bu y\u0131llarda yerli milliyet\u00e7ilik (\u2018nasyonalizme velayeti\u2019) F\u0131rka ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n tekelinde idi.”[13] Bundan ho\u015fnut olmayan Nabdel\u2019e g\u00f6re, mill\u00ee slogan\u0131n temelinde durdu\u011fu hi\u00e7bir program Azerbaycan i\u015f\u00e7isi, k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazisini \u0130ran i\u015f\u00e7i-k\u00f6yl\u00fc-k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazisi ile ittifaka y\u00f6nlendiremezdi.[14]<\/p>\n

\u0130lgin\u00e7tir ki, K\u00fcrtler aras\u0131nda devrim co\u015fkusunun ya\u015fanmas\u0131ndan rahats\u0131z olmayan yazar, bunu Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131\u2019ndaki siyasi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin etkisi ve onlara \u2018Safevi ve Kacarlar d\u00f6neminde yabanc\u0131 kavim olarak yakla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131\u2019 ile a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r.[15] T\u00fcrk\u00e7e edebiyat \u00f6rneklerinin yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131n\u0131n zorlu\u011fu ve polis kontrol\u00fcn\u00fcn artmas\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ek olgularla betimledikten, yani mill\u00ee zulm\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettikten sonra, Nabdel 1960\u2019larda edebi hayat\u0131 canland\u0131ran \u015fah\u0131slar\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Onlar\u0131n eserlerinde sosyal motiflerin zay\u0131f olmas\u0131 nedeniyle bu \u015fah\u0131slar\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi milliyet\u00e7ileri sayar. Habib Sahir, Fethi, Co\u015fkun, Ferzane\u2019yi T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc milliyet\u00e7i olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirir. En sert ele\u015ftiri ise Ali Tebrizli\u2019nin pay\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fer. B\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130ran T\u00fcrklerini birli\u011fe \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in Ali Tebrizli onun g\u00f6z\u00fcnde Pan-T\u00fcrkist ve kar\u015f\u0131-devrimcidir.<\/p>\n

Ali R\u0131za Nabdel eserinin son b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde 1960\u2019larda Azerbaycan gen\u00e7leri aras\u0131ndaki yeni e\u011filimleri ara\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n sonucunda \u015funlar\u0131 yazar; Sovyet Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131ndan gelen \u2018Kru\u015f\u00e7evci revizionizm\u2019in etkisi ile \u2018b\u00f6lgeci gen\u00e7lik\u2019 (\u2018cevanane velayetgera\u2019) gitgide \u2018ayr\u0131l\u0131k hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131na\u2019 tutulmaya ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Onlar bu \u2018b\u00f6lgecili\u011fi\u2019 samimi olarak ilerici bir olay, hatta Marksizm\u2019e uygun addettiler. Nabdel\u2019e g\u00f6re, onlar iki problem kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kal\u0131yorlar: 1. Marksizm taraftar\u0131 olan ayd\u0131nlar ve i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda milliyet\u00e7ilik e\u011filimleri; 2. \u2018Azeri kitleler, \u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan\u2019daki Azeri kitleler aras\u0131nda mill\u00ee meselenin mevcut olmas\u0131.\u2019[16] Nabdel\u2019in yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu olay asl\u0131nda 1960\u2019larda Azerbaycan\u2019da ve d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ya\u015fayan T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda mill\u00ee bilincin olu\u015fmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecinden ibarettir. Onu Nabdel \u2018b\u00f6lgecilik vir\u00fcs\u00fc\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlar. \u2018PanT\u00fcrkizm vir\u00fcs\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn de bu ortamda artabilece\u011fine inanmaktad\u0131r. Kendi milleti aras\u0131nda mill\u00ee bilincin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin artmas\u0131ndan rahats\u0131z olan bu zihniyet sahibi devam\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: Stalin ve Mao Tse-dun\u2019un \u00f6\u011frettikleri gibi, hem y\u00f6netici milletin \u015fovenizmi, hem de mahk\u00fbm milletin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ayn\u0131 tezat\u0131n iki taraf\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi d\u00fczeltebilecek tek kuvvet proletaryad\u0131r. Eser d\u00fcnya proletarya devriminin, \u2018\u0130ran Marksist-proletarya m\u00fccadelesinin\u2019, \u0130ran halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin \u015fan\u0131na y\u00f6nelen sloganlarla, \u2018emperyalizm ve onun \u0130ran k\u00f6peklerinin\u2019, Fars \u015fovenizminin ve \u2018b\u00f6lgecilik\u2018in k\u00f6t\u00fclenmesi ile biter. Ali R\u0131za Nabdel\u2019in vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonuca g\u00f6re, \u015eah rejimine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi s\u00fcrecinde Azerbaycan meselesinin g\u00fcndeme getirilmesi do\u011fru de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Daha sonralar\u0131 Fedailerin devrimci-demokrat do\u011frultusunda \u00f6zel evrimi gidi\u015fat\u0131nda mill\u00ee meseleye bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6receli olarak de\u011fi\u015fti. Fedailerin ve M\u00fccahitlerin baz\u0131 belgeleri 70\u2019li y\u0131llarda onlar\u0131n bu probleme biraz daha dikkatle yakla\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir. Fedailerin fikir babalar\u0131ndan Bijen Cezeni \u0130ran toplumunun ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00e7eli\u015fkileri aras\u0131nda mill\u00ee az\u0131nl\u0131klar ve zalim rejimaras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkileri kaydederek, az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n hareketlerini \u2018genel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc te\u015fkil eder\u2019 \u015feklinde ifade ediyordu.[17]<\/p>\n

\u0130ran Halk Partisi (\u0130HP, Tude), program belgelerinde defalarca \u00fclkede mill\u00ee meselenin \u00f6nemini vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1973\u2019de \u0130HP MK Riyaset Heyeti\u2019nin mill\u00ee mesele hakk\u0131ndaki tezlerinde \u015fu ifadeler yer al\u0131r: \u201c\u0130ran\u2019\u0131n halklar\u0131 uzun tarihi devirler boyunca ayn\u0131 kader ile kendi ortak vatanlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 u\u011frunda m\u00fccadele ile, ortak k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ile birbirine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131rlar. \u0130HP \u0130ran\u2019da ya\u015fayan t\u00fcm milletlerin, mill\u00ee grup ve az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n tam e\u015fitlik haklar\u0131n\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n \u00fclkenin toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc korumas\u0131 esas\u0131nda tek vatan \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc ittifak\u0131n\u0131 savunur. Mill\u00ee zulm\u00fcn k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fcn kaz\u0131nmas\u0131 bu amac\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131n\u0131n ilk \u015fart\u0131 ve temelidir. Bunun i\u00e7in esaret alt\u0131nda olan b\u00fct\u00fcn milletlere ve mill\u00ee gruplara \u00f6zerklik verilmelidir. \u00dclkenin idari yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n temelinde mill\u00ee gruplar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 yer almal\u0131d\u0131r. Mill\u00ee b\u00f6lgelerde eyalet, vilayet ve nahiye enc\u00fcmenleri tek \u0130ran vatan\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00f6zerklik ilkesini hayata ge\u00e7iren organlar olmal\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d[18]<\/p>\n

Azerbaycan Demokrat F\u0131rkas\u0131, 1950\u2019li y\u0131llarda zay\u0131f da olsa kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc yeniden kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak \u015eah rejiminin bask\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendik\u00e7e F\u0131rkan\u0131n eski \u00fcyeleri faaliyetlerini k\u00fclt\u00fcr sahas\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131lar. 1960\u2019da Azerbaycan Demokrat F\u0131rkas\u0131 Moskova\u2019n\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131yla Tude ile birle\u015ftirildi.[19] Ancak formaliteden kendi ad\u0131n\u0131 ve merkez\u00ee komitesini korudu. Sonraki onlarca y\u0131l muhaceret hayat\u0131na mahk\u00fbm edilmi\u015f bu te\u015fkilat gittik\u00e7e g\u00fc\u00e7 kaybetti.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zetle, rejime muhalif olan sol g\u00fc\u00e7ler mill\u00ee meselenin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc \u0130ran halk\u0131n\u0131n sosyal kurtulu\u015fu ile ili\u015fkili g\u00f6rmekteydi. Mill\u00ee mesele anti-diktat\u00f6r ve demokratik m\u00fccadele do\u011frultusunda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeli idi, yani onlar Azerbaycan meselesinin proleter odakl\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc teklif etmekteydiler. Ancak 1960-70\u2019li y\u0131llarda \u0130ran\u2019da olu\u015fan siyasi durum i\u00e7erisinde \u015eah diktat\u00f6r\u011f\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birle\u015fmesi zorunlulu\u011fu, onlar\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesince, mill\u00ee m\u00fccadeleyi ikinci plana b\u0131rakmaktayd\u0131. Burjuva ve dini muhalefete gelince, kaydedildi\u011fi \u00fczere, onlar mill\u00ee problemleri, bu ba\u011flamda Azerbaycan meselesinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bile kabul etmiyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

K\u00fclt\u00fcr sahas\u0131nda T\u00fcrk hareketi<\/strong><\/h2>\n

\u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonraki d\u00f6nemde Azerbaycan\/T\u00fcrk hareketi esas itibari ile k\u00fclt\u00fcr sahas\u0131ndaki faaliyetlerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kald\u0131. T\u00fcrk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerine konmu\u015f olan tabuya bakmaks\u0131z\u0131n, mill\u00ee medeniyet \u00f6rnekleri meydana \u00e7\u0131kmaktayd\u0131. Bu anlamda ilk olarak hem tarihi bak\u0131mdan hem de fikir-sanatde\u011ferine g\u00f6re Muhammet H\u00fcseyin \u015eehriyar\u2019\u0131n Haydar Baba\u2019ya Selam<\/em> \u015fiirini (1954) g\u00f6stermek gerekir. Defalarca yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f olan bu eserden \u00f6nce yaln\u0131zca Fars\u00e7a yazm\u0131\u015f (Behcetabad Hat\u0131ras\u0131 gazeli istisnad\u0131r) g\u00f6rkemli \u015fairin bu eseri Fars \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na anlaml\u0131 bir cevap oldu.<\/p>\n

Mill\u00ee demokratik hareketin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra T\u00fcrk kamuoyunda ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr hayat\u0131nda olu\u015fan k\u00f6t\u00fcmser atmosferin ortadan kalkmas\u0131nda bu muhte\u015fem eserin rol\u00fc paha bi\u00e7ilmezdir. \u00c7ok sonralar\u0131 yazar Genceli Sebahi bu konuyla ilgili \u015funlar\u0131 aktaracakt\u0131: \u201cHaydar Baba\u2019ya Selam sessizlik saltanat\u0131nda bir top gibi ses getirdi, susmu\u015f vicdanlar\u0131, uykuya dalm\u0131\u015f yetenekleri uyand\u0131rd\u0131.\u201d[20] Mill\u00ee H\u00fck\u00fcmet\u2019in \u00f6nderlerinden biri olan Dr. Salamulla Cavid ise bu olaya \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6nem vermi\u015ftir: \u201c\u015eehriyar\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrk\u00e7e yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Haydar Baba\u2019ya Selam \u015fiiri edebi harekette yeni bir velvele yaratt\u0131, bizleri mill\u00ee harekete do\u011fru yeniden y\u00f6nlendirdi.\u201d[21] \u015eehriyar\u2019\u0131n bu eserine yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f say\u0131s\u0131z nazireler yukar\u0131da s\u00f6ylenenlere kan\u0131tt\u0131r. Habib Sahir, Kerim Me\u015frute\u00e7i S\u00f6nmez, M.H. Sehhaf, Hasan Mecidzade (Savalan), Hosrov Mirza, Genceli Sebahi, Bulut Gara\u00e7orlu Sehend, H\u00fcseyin Sad\u0131k D\u00fczg\u00fcn, Muhammed Ali Ferzane, Dr. Salamulla Cavid gibi orta ve ya\u015fl\u0131 nesle ait, Tebrizli Ali, Ali R\u0131za Nabdel) (Oktay), Ha\u015f\u0131m Terlan, N. Berahani gibi gen\u00e7 \u015fair ve yazarlar\u0131n ana dilinde kaleme al\u0131nan, ancak \u00e7o\u011funun yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemde (baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n bundan sonra da hi\u00e7) yay\u0131nlanmayan eserleri \u0130ran\u2019da T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131n\u0131n fikir-sanat a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan geli\u015fme kaydetti\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n

\u015eairlerin yay\u0131nlanabilen birka\u00e7 \u015fiir toplusu her iki taraf Azerbaycan \u015fairlerinin \u015fiirlerinden d\u00fczenlenmi\u015fti.[22] Sovyet Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanan edebi eserler ve bas\u0131n organlar\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019da da yay\u0131l\u0131yordu. Baz\u0131 bilgilere g\u00f6re, G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019da radyo al\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olan \u015fehir halk\u0131n\u0131n %90\u2019\u0131 Bak\u00fc radyosunu dinlemekteydi.[23]<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk dili ve mill\u00ee hayat\u0131n di\u011fer ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilin\u00e7lere ta\u015f\u0131mak, Pan\u0130ranist fikirlerle m\u00fccadele a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan s\u00f6zl\u00fc halk edebiyat\u0131 \u00f6rneklerinin (bayat\u0131, efsane, masal, bilmece, \u015fiir, atas\u00f6z\u00fc vs.) toplan\u0131p bas\u0131lmas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem arz ediyordu. Muhammed Ali Ferzane, Samed Behrengi, Behruz Dehgani, Salamulla Cavid, E. M\u00fcctehidi, Hasan Mecidzade vb. ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n Fars\u00e7a ve anadillerinde \u00f6zellikle 1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda bast\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 folklor \u00f6rnekleri toplular\u0131 T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda son derece pop\u00fcler olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 halk aras\u0131nda mill\u00ee hayata, ana diline ve mill\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcre artan bu ilgi s\u00fcrecinde mill\u00ee meseleye bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 belirlemek, bu i\u015fi d\u00fczenlemek i\u00e7in \u00e7e\u015fitli edebi ve edebi-sanat birliklerinde birle\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Bu birliklerden biri Gara\u00e7orlu Bulud\u2019un (Sehend\u2019in) giri\u015fimi ile 1953\/54 y\u0131l\u0131nda Tahran\u2019da olu\u015fturulmu\u015f ve 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n ortalar\u0131na kadar faaliyet g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Sehend, H\u00fcseyinkulu K\u00e2tebi, Ferzane, Sebahi, Cavid, N. Fethi, M.M. Etimad, M.E.Mahzun, Savalan, Nur Azer, \u0130brahimpur vb. ayn\u0131 birli\u011fin \u00fcyeleri idiler. Birli\u011fin amac\u0131 T\u00fcrk\u00e7e yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f eserlerin, s\u00f6zl\u00fc halk edebiyat\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin bas\u0131m\u0131na yard\u0131m etmekti. Toplular\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu birli\u011fin \u00e7abas\u0131 ile haz\u0131rlanarak yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.[24]<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131ndan Tebrizli Ali 1957\/58 y\u0131l\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak 1963\/64 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar birka\u00e7 defa edebi birlik (mehfel) olu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in giri\u015fimlerde bulunmu\u015ftur. Onun organize etti\u011fi k\u0131sa \u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc edebi derneklere Etimad, \u015eerieti-Eheri, Hasano\u011flu, Hemin \u015eahid, Receb \u0130brahimi, Salamulla Cavid, N. Fethi, A. Azeri vb. kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.[25]<\/p>\n

Arap alfabesindeki yaz\u0131n\u0131n reform ihtiyac\u0131<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Sosyal hayat\u0131n nispeten liberalle\u015fti\u011fi 1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrk diline adanm\u0131\u015f bilimsel ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar ve bu eserlerin bas\u0131l\u0131p yay\u0131lmas\u0131 mill\u00ee ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem verdi\u011fi meselelerden biri oldu. Bu kitaplar genellikle \u2018Azeri dili\u2019 hakk\u0131ndaki Pan-\u0130ranist kurama kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6nelmi\u015fti ve giri\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerinde bu kuram\u0131n as\u0131ls\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e2deta \u00fcst\u00fc kapal\u0131 \u015fekilde ifade ediliyordu. Azerbaycan halk\u0131n\u0131n eski dilinin \u2018Azeri\u2019 oldu\u011fu ve Fars dilini burada yayman\u0131n tarih taraf\u0131ndan \u015fartland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia edenlere cevap olarak Salamulla Cavid, Muhammed Ali Ferzane, Ali R\u0131za Nabdel) (Oktay) ve di\u011ferlerinin kayd etti\u011fi gibi, T\u00fcrk dili tarihinin tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 taraflar\u0131na, bir k\u0131s\u0131m T\u00fcrk \u015fairlerin Fars\u00e7a yazmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bu dil ka\u00e7 y\u00fczy\u0131ld\u0131r Azerbaycan halk\u0131n\u0131n konu\u015fma ve yaz\u0131 dilidir ve bu sebeple de onun anadili oldu\u011fu \u015f\u00fcphe uyand\u0131rmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Kelime al\u0131p verme dillerin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ili\u015fkisi i\u00e7in gerekli oldu\u011fundan, T\u00fcrk dilindeki al\u0131nt\u0131 s\u00f6zleri bahane ederek onu Altay dilleri grubundan ay\u0131rma giri\u015fimi nafiledir. Muhammed Ali Ferzane bu konular \u00fczerine \u015funlar\u0131 yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: \u201cT\u00fcrk-Azeri dilinin Azerbaycan\u2019da reva\u00e7 bulmas\u0131 ve peki\u015fmesi meselesi uzun zamandan beri s\u00f6ylentilere ve tart\u0131\u015fmalara sebep olmu\u015ftur. \u00c7e\u015fitli, hem de birbirine ters fikirler dile getirilmektedir. Ama bu s\u00f6ylentilere ve birbirine ayk\u0131r\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131na bakmaks\u0131z\u0131n tek olgu \u015f\u00fcphesiz ve tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131zd\u0131r: Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ne olursa olsun, hali haz\u0131rda bu dil ka\u00e7 as\u0131rd\u0131r bu diyar\u0131n halk\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcre\u011finin, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin ve duygular\u0131n\u0131n dilidir.\u201d[26]<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 Arap alfabesindeki yaz\u0131n\u0131n reform ihtiyac\u0131na da i\u015faret ettiler. Bu ba\u011flamda T\u00fcrk\u00e7e yaz\u0131larda edebi dil kurallar\u0131na riayet edilmesi i\u00e7in k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckhacimli kitaplar yay\u0131mland\u0131. [27] Mill\u00ee ayd\u0131nlar \u015funun idrakinde idiler: \u201cHer bir halk\u0131n dili ayn\u0131 halk i\u00e7in \u00f6zel \u00f6neme sahiptir; buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak dilleri istila alt\u0131nda olan milletler yapabildikleri zamanlarda kendi dillerini d\u0131\u015f istiladan kurtarm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.\u201d[28]<\/p>\n

1960-70\u2019li y\u0131llarda mill\u00ee ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n ruh halini g\u00f6stermek, onlar aras\u0131nda dola\u015fan ve tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan fikirleri ifade etmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u015fair Tebrizli Ali\u2019nin (19291998) ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde b\u00f6l\u00fcm b\u00f6l\u00fcm yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131, ancak sadece \u0130slam devrimi s\u00fcrecinde bast\u0131rabildi\u011fi kitab\u0131 vazge\u00e7ilmez bir kaynakt\u0131r. On y\u0131llarca \u0130ran\u2019da T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yok sayan, onu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck g\u00f6ren Pan-\u0130ranist ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 propagandaya kar\u015f\u0131 bu \u00fclkede yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f onlarca eser aras\u0131nda Tebrizli Ali\u2019nin Edebiyat ve Milliyet kitab\u0131 [29] \u00f6zel konumuyla farkl\u0131 bir yerde durmaktad\u0131r. Bu kitap gerici-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 su\u00e7lamalara \u0130ran T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ilk kapsaml\u0131 ve anlaml\u0131 cevab\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Kitab\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011finden de anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, Tebrizli Ali, Fars \u015fovenizmi ve Ariya \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sistemli-akademik, ilmi-ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ele\u015ftirisini kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na ama\u00e7 olarak koymam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yazar milletinin tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u015fairi ve haks\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa tahamm\u00fcl edemeyen m\u00fccadeleci evlad\u0131d\u0131r. [30] Nitekim kitab\u0131n baz\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerindeki fikirler duygulara dayan\u0131r, yazar fikrini gerek\u00e7elendirmek i\u00e7in ispat\u0131 da gerekli g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor. Eksisi art\u0131s\u0131 ile birlikte bu kitap kendini idrak etmek isteyen T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn 20.yy\u2019\u0131n 1960-70\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131nda imdat \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7ilmez kaynakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

“Millet olarak nerede yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131z oldu ki bu g\u00fcne kald\u0131k?”<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Yazar kitab\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda amac\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirir. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n siyasi tarihinde s\u00fcrekli olarak aktif rol oynayan soyda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011f veya sol fikirlere a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan (\u2018sola vurgun, sa\u011fa meftun\u2019 olmas\u0131ndan) ve kendisini unutmas\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 tedirgin olan yazar, mill\u00ee sorunlar\u0131n ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve ortaya konulmas\u0131n\u0131 mill\u00ee g\u00f6rev olarak addetmektedir. Tebrizli Ali Fars \u015fovenistinden daha \u00e7ok T\u00fcrk mankurtlar\u0131na \u00f6fkelenir, feryad\u0131n\u0131 \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle ifade eder: \u201cY\u00fczy\u0131llarca, milyonlarca koyun gibi do\u011fmu\u015f, koyun gibi yemi\u015f ve koyun gibi d\u0131\u015fk\u0131lam\u0131\u015f ve sonra koyun gibi \u00f6lm\u00fc\u015f gidenlerimiz ve onlar\u0131n yerini tutanlar\u0131m\u0131z, her \u015feye kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f, her oyuna ba\u015f vurmu\u015f, tarih ve co\u011frafyay\u0131 okumu\u015f ve yazm\u0131\u015f, her \u015fekilde di\u011fer diller \u00f6\u011frenmi\u015f ve \u00f6\u011fretmi\u015f, h\u00e2kim ve mahk\u00fbm olmu\u015f, zengin-fakir olmu\u015f, d\u00fcnya milletlerini ve dillerini tan\u0131m\u0131\u015f ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc boyaya bula\u015fm\u0131\u015f, ancak kendisinin ve milletinin kim oldu\u011funu ve kim olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mam\u0131\u015f ve h\u00e2l\u00e2 da tan\u0131mak istememekte \u0131srar etmektedir. [31]<\/p>\n

Yazar, mill\u00ee bilin\u00e7 s\u00fcrecinin ilk a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131n \u201cKim imi\u015f ve kimdir?\u201d sorusuna cevap vermekten ge\u00e7ti\u011fini bildi\u011finden dolay\u0131 tarih\u00ee sorunlara \u00f6zel bir yer ay\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Tebrizli Ali ve mill\u00ee benli\u011fini arayan her bir soyda\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7in \u2018millet olarak nerede yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131z oldu ki, \u015fimdi bu g\u00fcne kald\u0131k?\u2019 sorusuna cevap bulmak ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6neme sahiptir.<\/p>\n

Bu soruya cevap vermek i\u00e7in Tebrizli Ali tarih\u00ee ge\u00e7mi\u015fin bilinen ger\u00e7eklerini hat\u0131rlat\u0131r. Tebrizli Ali\u2019ye g\u00f6re, \u0130slamiyet \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde Fars edebiyat\u0131 sadece bir ka\u00e7 eserden ibaret idi: \u201c\u0130slamdan \u00f6nce Acemlerin [Farslar\u0131n] hi\u00e7bir edebi, nazmi, roman kitaplar\u0131 yoktur ve h\u00e2l\u00e2 bir ka\u00e7 y\u0131rt\u0131k p\u0131rt\u0131k yer alt\u0131nda bulunan Sanskrit, Avesta, Mozdesna, Ye\u015ft adl\u0131 kitap\u00e7\u0131klar varsa da h\u00fcrafeler ve ba\u011fnazl\u0131klar i\u00e7in yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.\u201d [32] Bu kitaplar\u0131n dili ile \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f Fars dili aras\u0131nda alaka yoktur veya ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 s\u00f6zler benzese de \u015fimdiki Farslar onlar\u0131 anlamazlar. Pan-\u0130ranistler\u2019in \u0130slamiyet \u00f6ncesi \u0130ran\/Fars tarihini y\u00fcceltmesini, yalan kuramlar uydurmas\u0131n\u0131 Tebrizli Ali \u015fiddetle reddetmektedir: \u201c… bug\u00fcnk\u00fc yalak Acem, o g\u00fcn\u00fcn, o \u00e7irkin ve kanl\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcn mill\u00ee dil ve mill\u00ee edebiyat\u0131ndan bahsetti\u011finde ve salaklayanda kendini g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 duruma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcr ve b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kendine g\u00fcld\u00fcr\u00fcr.\u201d [33] Tebrizli Ali, Arap ve T\u00fcrkleri \u2018zalim, yabani ve dilbilmez\u2019 gibi tan\u0131tanlar\u0131n \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ititaz eder. \u015e\u00f6yle yazar: \u201cFirdevsi Arap alfabesiyle ne i\u00e7in T\u00fcrk \u015fah\u0131 Mahmud Gaznevi\u2019ye \u015eahname\u2019yi yazm\u0131\u015f? Bu uzun \u00e7a\u011flar boyu Hekim Ferruhi Sistani, \u00dcns\u00fcri, Enveri, Geani \u015eirazi, Hafiz \u015eirazi, V\u00fcsal \u015eirazi, Sadi \u015eirazi, […] Kemaleddin \u0130smail \u0130sfehani, Melik\u00fc\u015f\u015f\u00fcara Bahar Horasani ve y\u00fczlerce, binlerce \u015fairler ve meddahlar h\u00fcnerleri ve yeteneklerini Arap, \u00f6zellikle T\u00fcrk i\u00e7in nesar [kurban, hediye] takdim etmi\u015fler.\u201d O, T\u00fcrk h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131n\u0131 yerli yersiz a\u015fa\u011f\u0131layan, T\u00fcrk diline tiksintiyle yakla\u015fan \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 yazarlar\u0131 insafl\u0131 olmaya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Tebrizli Ali \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 yazarlar\u0131 ele\u015ftirdi\u011fi kadar, T\u00fcrk h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131n\u0131n mill\u00ee dil ve edebiyata kay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na da i\u00e7ten i\u00e7e veryans\u0131n etmektedir. \u2018Kuzeyden-g\u00fcneye, do\u011fudan-bat\u0131ya olmak \u00fczere b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00fcy\u00fck imparatorluklar kuran\u2019, \u2018di\u011fer milletlere dil ve milliyet tehmil etmeyen\u2019 T\u00fcrk s\u00fclalerinin siyasetinin bedelini \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f soyda\u015flar\u0131 \u00f6d\u00fcyorlar. Tebrizli Ali ayn\u0131 T\u00fcrk s\u00fclalelerini \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle k\u0131nar: \u201cKulluklar\u0131nda y\u00fczlerce k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u015fahlar, h\u00fck\u00fcmetler; tarih yazanlar, edipler ve \u015fairler, mimarlar ve tabipler olan ata ve babalar\u0131m\u0131z, gelecek nesil i\u00e7in, yani bizler i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir g\u00fczel mill\u00ee miras, mill\u00ee dil ve edebiyat, mill\u00ee tarih b\u0131rakmam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Fakat g\u00fcn\u00fcn nakti olan kudret ve g\u00fcc\u00fcne tatmin olmu\u015f, zaman\u0131 ve d\u00fcnyay\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve k\u0131sa g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015flerdir.\u201d [34] Orta \u00e7a\u011flarda T\u00fcrk se\u00e7kinleri i\u00e7inde etnik taassubun olmamas\u0131 (Nevai \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 istisnalardan biridir) 20.yy\u2019da a\u011f\u0131r sonu\u00e7lar verdi. Tebrizli Ali \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: \u201cenginli\u011fe ve servete, kudrete ve g\u00fcce, g\u00fczel yiyip ve i\u00e7meye, bunun gibi ev bezeklerine ve y\u00fczlerce b\u00f6yle \u015feylere ve i\u015flere k\u0131ymet ve de\u011fer verilirdi, ancak dile, edebiyata, mill\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcre, mill\u00ee vicdana, kendini ve milletini tan\u0131maya \u00f6yle bir g\u00f6n\u00fcl ve alaka verilmiyordu. \u015eimdi de bug\u00fcnk\u00fc neslin elinde b\u00f6yle bir mill\u00ee kaynak yoktur, olmu\u015f ya da kalm\u0131\u015f olan varsa da ya g\u00f6zlerden kaybolmu\u015f ya da zaman\u0131n pas\u0131 ve tozu ile \u00f6rt\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. [35]<\/p>\n

Tebrizli Ali, orta \u00e7a\u011flarda T\u00fcrk-Fars ili\u015fkilerini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in Mahmud Gaznevi-Firdevsi hikayesini \u00f6rnek g\u00f6stermektedir. O, \u015fair Firdevsi\u2019ye elde olan k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 kaynaklar\u0131, \u00f6zellikle \u015fair Esedi\u2019nin yazm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu \u015fiirleri bir yerde toplay\u0131p \u2018Sultan Mahmud Gaznevi\u2019nin imparatorlu\u011funda olan milletleri vahdete ve birli\u011fe \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n\u2019 tavsiye edildi\u011fini hat\u0131rlat\u0131r. Ancak haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015eahname ile \u2018Firdevsi vahdet ve birlik yerine mill\u00ee ayr\u0131l\u0131klar ve kavmi d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar t\u00fcretmi\u015ftir.\u2019 [36] Firdevsi dilsiz (acem) Farslar\u2019\u0131 ya\u015fatmak i\u00e7in \u2018ba\u015ftan sona boynuzlu yalanlarla dolu bir \u00e7uval\u2019 olu\u015fturdu, Fars olmayanlar\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lad\u0131. \u0130\u015fte buna g\u00f6re de Firdevsi\u2019ye vaad edilmi\u015f para verilmedi. Sonralar\u0131 Farslar, Firdevsi\u2019nin Mahmud Gaznevi\u2019ye yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 hicve dayanarak yalandan masallar uydurup yayd\u0131lar. Bu tarih\u00ee olaya a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getiren Tebrizli Ali, Farslar\u0131n ana kitab\u0131 say\u0131lan \u015eahname konusundaki fikirlerini \u00f6zetler; bu eserde as\u0131l konular\u0131n Balkan Albanya\u2019s\u0131n\u0131n [Arnavutluk] mill\u00ee destanlar\u0131ndan al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (1); onu birka\u00e7 adam\u0131n, \u00f6zellikle \u015fair Esedi\u2019nin yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (2); Firdevsi\u2019nin yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f haz\u0131r i\u015fleri de\u011fi\u015ftirerek ona d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k katm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu (3) vurgular; Firdevsi \u2018teyid etmi\u015ftir: Farslar, heman dilsiz Acemler imi\u015f, o onlar\u0131 diriltmi\u015ftir (Ecem zendekerdem)\u2019 (4); Firdevsi, \u015fah\u0131 yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn tanr\u0131s\u0131 ve milletleri onun kullar\u0131 saym\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2019 (5) diye kaydeder.<\/p>\n

Tebrizli Ali\u2019nin bu eserinde dikkati \u00e7eken di\u011fer bir husus da Azerbaycan\u2019da ilk defa T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc tarih konseptinin yer almas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk kimdir?<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Tebrizli Ali eserinin bir ka\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc tarih\u00ee ge\u00e7mi\u015fe adam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerin ana gayesi Fars \u015fovenizmi ve Ari \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tarihle alakal\u0131 uydurma tezlerini \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctmek, soyda\u015flar\u0131na do\u011fru, inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir tarih bilinci vermektir. Yazar, \u2018T\u00fcrk kimdir?\u2019 ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcmde insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n olu\u015fum alan\u0131n\u0131n Orta Asya, Kuzey \u00c7in, Altay da\u011flar\u0131, Aral g\u00f6l\u00fc sahilleri oldu\u011funu vurgular. Ate\u015f ve alevden ilk defa i\u015fte buralarda istifade edildi\u011fi fikrini ileri s\u00fcrer. D\u00fcnya biliminin on y\u0131llarca m\u00fccadele ve m\u00fcnaka\u015fa etti\u011fi bu meseleden sonra \u015fimdiki T\u00fcrklerin ve onlar\u0131n ecdadlar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fama alan\u0131, onlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 meselelerine ge\u00e7er. Bize g\u00f6re, yazar bu meselelere duygusal yakla\u015f\u0131r, bir s\u00fcr\u00fc abart\u0131l\u0131 anlat\u0131ma ba\u015fvurur.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk T\u00fcreyi\u015f destan\u0131n\u0131n, eski T\u00fcrk tarihinin izah\u0131 T\u00fcrkoloji bilimine dayan\u0131r. Bu, \u0130ran \u015fartlar\u0131nda cesaret isteyen bir i\u015f olmak d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, ayn\u0131 zamanda soyda\u015flar\u0131na gerekli akademik bilgiyi aktarmak bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da dikkat \u00e7ekicidir. Eski T\u00fcrk tarihinin Hunlar, Teoman, Mete, Atilla gibi konular\u0131n\u0131n incelenmesi a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131k kompleksinde olan soyda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n bilgi eksikli\u011fini tamamlama a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir. Burada dikkati \u00e7eken \u00f6zelliklerden birisi de yazar\u0131n Mo\u011fol sorununa yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. Resm\u00ee \u0130ran tarih\u00e7ili\u011finde nefretle s\u00f6z edilen Mo\u011follor, \u0130ran\u2019a huzursuzluklar getiren as\u0131l sebep olarak g\u00f6sterilmektedirler. Tebrizli Ali, T\u00fcrkTatar ve Mo\u011follar\u0131 ayn\u0131 halk olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr ve onlar\u0131n kahramanl\u0131klarla dolu ge\u00e7mi\u015fini, etnografik \u00f6zelliklerini gururla betimler. Yazar\u0131n okuyucusuna ve soyda\u015f\u0131na verdi\u011fi mesaj \u015fudur: Resm\u00ee \u0130ran tarih\u00e7ili\u011finin iddialar\u0131n\u0131n aksine, senin gurur duyaca\u011f\u0131n bir mill\u00ee tarihin vard\u0131r; bu, \u0130ran tarihinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 de\u011fil, genel T\u00fcrk tarihinin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Milleti te\u015fkil eden unsurlar<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Tebrizli Ali b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7ok milletli devletlerde b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yan millet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na da yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor. O, milleti te\u015fkil eden geleneksel unsurlar\u0131 (co\u011frafya, ekonomi, siyaset, medeniyet, kanun ve medeni hukuk birli\u011fi) s\u0131ralad\u0131ktan sonra onlar\u0131n \u00fclkeden \u00fclkeye, yerli \u015fartlara g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fini kaydeder: \u201cMilliyet, herkesin g\u00f6z\u00fcnde ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde ve kendisine mahsus olan ruhun ve inanc\u0131n tesiri alt\u0131nda farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterir.\u201d [37] Bu unsurlar\u0131n hepsi olsa bile onlar \u00fclke insanlar\u0131n\u0131 tek millete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in yeterli de\u011fildir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u2018dil ve ona ba\u011fl\u0131 olan edebiyat, folklor, adab ve r\u00fcsum, mill\u00ee duygular ve mill\u00ee vicdan (bilin\u00e7) ve bunlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda mill\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc\u2019 g\u00f6zard\u0131 etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Buna g\u00f6re de \u201cFars k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc i\u00e7inde eritilen bilin\u00e7siz T\u00fcrkler, T\u00fcrk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn elli y\u0131l boyunca zalimane \u015fekilde istismara maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilmedikleri halde, kendilerini tamamen Farsl\u0131\u011fa vurup g\u00f6zden kaybolanlar da [d\u00e2hil] k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir dikkat ile [onlar\u0131n] Fars kavminden olmad\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpar.\u201d [38] Farslar ve T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda bu sahada ciddi farklar\u0131n olmas\u0131 onlar\u0131n ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 milletler oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. Tebrizli Ali \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: \u201cT\u00fcrkler ile Farslar\u2019\u0131n din birli\u011fi, y\u00f6netim birli\u011fi, co\u011frafya birli\u011fi, ekonomi birli\u011fi zorunlu olsa bile, h\u00e2l\u00e2 mill\u00ee kimlik ve mill\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcr birli\u011fi, mill\u00ee \u00f6zellik ve mill\u00ee vicdan birli\u011fi olamaz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc toprak (co\u011frafi) ve ekonomi ve rejim bir ola ola mill\u00ee psikoloji, mill\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve dil, ruh hali bir de\u011fil ve bir olamaz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc her birinin kendine mahsus haysiyet, tarz, ruh hali, ahlak, sinir ve hatta geni vard\u0131r. Yani, b\u00fct\u00fcn kavmi \u00f6zellikleri ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 olan iki milletin topra\u011f\u0131, ekonomisi, [siyasi] rejimi, toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131 bir olsa da, ancak bu iki farkl\u0131 milletleri bir millet edemez ve son a\u015famada her unsur kendi asl\u0131na d\u00f6ner.\u201d [39]<\/p>\n

Bilimsel bak\u0131mdan genellikle nesnel olan bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 kitab\u0131n devam eden b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde (Milliyet ile Kavmiyet Fark\u0131) kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmakta, birbirine ters fikirler ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir. Yazar burada kavim (etnos, etnik birlik) anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlar: \u201cHer kavim di\u011fer bir kavimden ayr\u0131 dil, edebiyat, tarih ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc\u201d ile farkl\u0131la\u015f\u0131r. [40] Tebrizli\u2019ye g\u00f6re, \u2018\u0130ran\u2019 kelimesi belli bir kavime ait de\u011fildir, \u0130ran\u2019da Araplar, T\u00fcrkler, Belu\u00e7lar, K\u00fcrtler, T\u00fcrkmenler ve Farslar ya\u015f\u0131yorlar ve \u2018bunlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funa \u0130ran milleti ve \u0130ran devleti diyorlar.\u2019 [41] Ancak birisine (Farslar\u2019a) ev sahibi, ba\u015fkas\u0131na (mesela T\u00fcrklere) kirac\u0131 stat\u00fcs\u00fc verilmesini yazar reddeder, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn milletlerin m\u00fc\u015fterek vatan\u0131 sayar. Anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, Tebrizli Ali\u2019nin millet ve kavim anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131lar\u0131, uygun olarak T\u00fcrk milleti ve \u0130ran milleti anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 bir birine kar\u0131\u015f\u0131r ve somut anlam\u0131n\u0131 yitirir.<\/p>\n

“Azerbaycanl\u0131” ve “Azeri”\u00a0<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Yazar, Azerbaycan halk\u0131n\u0131 (daha do\u011frusu onun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu) \u2018Azerbaycanl\u0131\u2019, ya da \u2018Azeri\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlaman\u0131n do\u011fru olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getirir: \u201c\u0130ran T\u00fcrklerini yaln\u0131z Azerbaycan ad\u0131ndaki kafeste tutsak edenlerin hilesini \u015fimdilik b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130ran\u2019da olan T\u00fcrk karde\u015flerimiz a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6ze almam\u0131\u015flar ve bu g\u00fcn Rusya\u2019da [Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nde], Avrupa\u2019da, \u0130ran\u2019da bize T\u00fcrk yerine Azerbaycanl\u0131 ad\u0131n\u0131 zorla ve \u0131srarla dayatanlar\u0131n hedefi \u015fudur, bize telkin etsinler ki, T\u00fcrk sadece Azerbaycan\u2019da olabilir, yaln\u0131z o yerde oldu\u011fu zaman da T\u00fcrk de\u011fil, belki Azeri ad\u0131n\u0131 alabilir.\u201d [42] Kitab\u0131n di\u011fer bir yerinde yeniden bu konuya d\u00f6nen Tebrizli Ali i\u00e7i yana yana \u015funlar\u0131 yazar: \u201cBa\u015fkalar\u0131 bize T\u00fcrk demekten \u00e7ekinmiyorlar, bizimkiler cin bismillahtan korkar gibi korkmaktalar, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ya kendilerine itimatlar\u0131 yoktur ya da di\u011fer yerlerden destur veya emir almaktad\u0131rlar.\u201d [43]<\/p>\n

Tebrizli Ali\u2019nin bu kitapta \u00fcst\u00fcnde durdu\u011fu as\u0131l fikirlerden birisi de mill\u00ee bilince sahip soyda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n eski siyasi tecr\u00fcbelerden ders almas\u0131 gere\u011fidir. Yukar\u0131da da kaydedildi\u011fi gibi, Tebrizli Ali\u2019yi bu kitab\u0131 yazmaya sevk eden sebeplerden birisi soyda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n pop\u00fcler olan ideolojilere tak\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 ve kendi mill\u00ee problemlerini unutmas\u0131d\u0131r. Yazar bununla birlikte sa\u011f ya da sol partilerin faaliyetine kat\u0131lmama gibi bir iste\u011fi ileri s\u00fcrmemektedir: \u201cHerhangi biri hangi inan\u00e7 ve mezhepte ve hangi yolda olmak istedi\u011fi konusunda \u00f6zg\u00fcrd\u00fcr ve hi\u00e7 kimsenin filan gaye ve filan din ad\u0131na skolastik devrinde olan kilise istibdad\u0131n\u0131 yeniden kurmaya hakk\u0131 yoktur.\u201d [44] Ancak \u2018inan\u00e7lar, meslekler ve kanunlar milletin hizmetindedir, neinki milliyet meramlar\u0131n ve kanunlar\u0131n hizmetindedir.\u201d \u0130\u015fte bu ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k ve mill\u00ee bilincin olmamas\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden y\u00fczy\u0131llarca \u0130ran T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc milletler yar\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kaybetmektedir. Tebrizli Ali feryat eder; Bu kadar faciadan sonra hi\u00e7 olmazsa \u015fimdi tarih\u00ee tecr\u00fcbemizden ve yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131m\u0131zdan ders alal\u0131m.<\/p>\n

Tebrizli Ali\u2019ye g\u00f6re, tam anlam\u0131yla mill\u00ee bilincin olu\u015famamas\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 devrimler ve ayaklanmalar d\u00f6neminde T\u00fcrkler\u2019in millet olarak \u00e7ok yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131 oldu. \u201cMe\u015frutiyet d\u00f6neminde kendi elimizle T\u00fcrk t\u00f6resi olan Kacar\u2019\u0131 y\u0131kt\u0131k, bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra da F\u0131rka\u2019da mill\u00ee nam\u0131yla \u00fczerimize Rus k\u0131yafetinde kom\u00fcnistler \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve sonra Ruslar bizim \u00fcst\u00fcm\u00fczde Amerikal\u0131lar ile muamele edip, bizi eski d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n eline b\u0131rakt\u0131lar.\u201d [45] Tebrizli bir di\u011fer ifadesinde meselenin dramatik yan\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymu\u015ftur: \u201cMe\u015frutiyette biz yor\u011fa [rahvan] gittik, onlar [Farslar] bindiler, partilerde ve ittihadiyelerde bizler aza [\u00fcye] olduk, onlar r\u00fcesa [reis].\u201d [46]<\/p>\n

Pehlevi h\u00e2kimiyeti d\u00f6neminde (1925-1979) G\u00fcney Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n ve T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn durumunu \u00f6zetliyecek olursak birka\u00e7 \u00f6nemli konunun alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmek gerekir.<\/p>\n

Pehlevi rejiminin kuruldu\u011fu 1920\u2019lerden sonra G\u00fcney Azerbaycan ve T\u00fcrkl\u00fck yar\u0131m as\u0131r boyunca\u00a0 dramatik bir d\u00f6nem ya\u015fad\u0131. Milletle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin taleplerine itina g\u00f6stermeyen ve te\u015febb\u00fcs\u00fc Fars etnosuna b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f olan T\u00fcrkl\u00fck, bu yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bedelini fazlas\u0131yla \u00f6demek mecburiyetinde kald\u0131. Tarihinde ilk defa mazlum millet durumuna d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Irk\u00e7\u0131 Pehlevi rejimi T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 reddetti, onunla ili\u015fkilerinde kat\u0131 bir asimilasyon siyaseti y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc. T\u00fcrkl\u00fck, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, Pehlevi h\u00e2kimiyeti i\u00e7in as\u0131l tehlike say\u0131ld\u0131. 50 y\u0131ldan fazla s\u00fcren bu eritme siyaseti hangi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011furdu? Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, \u00fclke halk\u0131n\u0131n en az \u00fc\u00e7te birine veya %40\u2019a yak\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan T\u00fcrkleri Farsla\u015ft\u0131rma siyaseti \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n arzu etti\u011fi sonucu vermedi. Farslardan farkl\u0131 bir etnik birlik olduklar\u0131, farkl\u0131 dili, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, \u00f6rf \u00e2detleri, tarih\u00ee ge\u00e7mi\u015fi olan \u00e7ok milyonlu bir halk\u0131 asimile etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131. R\u0131za Pehlevi d\u00f6neminde uygulanan T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ink\u00e2r, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 ezme siyaseti do\u011fal olarak direni\u015fle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. 1941 y\u0131l\u0131ndan sonra Azerbaycan\u2019da mill\u00ee-demokratik hareket, \u00f6zellikle 1945-1946\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llardaki Mill\u00ee H\u00fck\u00fcmet\u2019in faaliyeti \u0130ran\u2019da T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ayr\u0131ca millet olarak \u015fekillenme azmini, kendi haklar\u0131 u\u011frunda m\u00fccadele etme iradesini ortaya koydu. Mill\u00ee-demokratik hareketin kanla bo\u011fulmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, 21 Azer olay\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019da Azerbaycan meselesinin mill\u00ee-arazi \u00f6zerkli\u011fi prensibine uygun olarak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm modelini ortaya koydu.<\/p>\n

\u0130ran yazar\u0131 Celal Ale-Ahmed \u0130ran h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 \u2018k\u00fclt\u00fcr a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kendi s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesi\u2019 sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek, \u0130ran y\u00f6netiminin dil siyaseti konusunda \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftir: \u201c\u015eimdi k\u0131rk y\u0131ld\u0131r ki, \u0130ran h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin \u00e7abas\u0131yla bu dili sadece s\u0131n\u0131rlamaya de\u011fil, hatta onu mahvetmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Onu \u2018Azeri\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131lar, ona\u00a0 \u2018zorla kabul ettirilmi\u015f\u2019 bir ad koydular, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n \u015fehir ve mahallelerinin ad\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirdiler, T\u00fcrk asker ve memurunu Farslar\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lgelere yollad\u0131lar ve aksine, ancak T\u00fcrk dilini mahvetmek i\u015finde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir ba\u015far\u0131ya bile nail olamad\u0131lar.\u201d [47] \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n eski E\u011fitim Bakan\u0131 Amuhte de bu ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 itiraf etme mecburiyetinde kalm\u0131\u015f, 1953-62 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda devletin e\u011fitim sistemi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda koydu\u011fu amaca ula\u015famad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131\u015ft\u0131: \u201cAyn\u0131 y\u0131llar boyunca Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ve e\u011fitimi sahas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir geli\u015fme g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015ftir. Fars dili Azerbaycan ahalisi aras\u0131nda yay\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d [48] Ahalinin b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn e\u011fitimsiz oldu\u011fu bir \u00fclkede Farsla\u015ft\u0131rma siyasetinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 Pan-\u0130ranist siyaset\u00e7ilerin ve yazarlar\u0131n arzusu olarak kald\u0131. Yukar\u0131da da kaydetti\u011fimiz gibi, 1970\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda Do\u011fu Azerbaycan ostan\u0131nda 6 ya\u015f\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck ahalinin yaln\u0131z %36,2\u2018si, Bat\u0131 Azerbaycan\u2019da %25,4\u2019\u00fc, Zencan\u2019da ise %30,3\u2019\u00fc okuma-yazma biliyordu.<\/p>\n

Pehlevi rejiminin Farsla\u015ft\u0131rma siyasetinin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirirken, Celal Ale-Ahmed\u2019in verdi\u011fi bu olguya da dikkat \u00e7ekmeye de\u011fer. Azerbaycan\u2019da T\u00fcrk ahalisi ile \u00e7evrilmi\u015f \u0130ran dilli ahali gruplar\u0131 h\u0131zla T\u00fcrkle\u015fmek \u00fczere idi. Milliyet\u00e7e Tat olan \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n bu demokrat yazar\u0131 \u015fu ilgin\u00e7 sonucu ifade ediyor. Son zamanlara kadar Zencan ostan\u0131ndaki eski Zehra b\u00f6l\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn 28 k\u00f6y\u00fc Tat dilinde konu\u015furken, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde yakla\u015f\u0131k 9 k\u00f6yde Tat dili konu\u015fuluyor. Yazar konuyu \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle vurguluyor: \u201cZencan ve Mara\u011fa\u2019dan gelen T\u00fcrk dili kas\u0131rga gibi yoluna \u00e7\u0131kan \u0130ran leh\u00e7elerinin hepsini s\u00fcp\u00fcr\u00fcp g\u00f6t\u00fcrmekteydi.\u201d [49]<\/p>\n

Pehlevi rejiminin asimilasyon siyasetinin ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 oldu\u011fu alanlar da vard\u0131. Bu siyaset Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n sosyo-ekonomik bak\u0131mdan geride kalmas\u0131na, halk\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn kendi vatan\u0131n\u0131 terk etmesine, buran\u0131n medeni a\u00e7\u0131dan gerilemesine neden olmu\u015ftur. Bu siyasetin en \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan birisi de T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda milletle\u015fme (millet in\u015faas\u0131) s\u00fcrecinin son derece geciktirilmesi oldu. Bu a\u015famada da milli konsolidasyonun \u00f6nemli \u015fartlar\u0131 olu\u015famad\u0131. \u0130slam devrimi arefesinde resm\u00ee Pan-\u0130ranist, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u015f\u00fcphe alt\u0131na alabilecek mill\u00ee ge\u00e7mi\u015f anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 olu\u015famad\u0131, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n gelece\u011fi ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 gerek\u00e7elendirilmi\u015f kavramlar ortaya at\u0131lmad\u0131, farkl\u0131 sebeblerden milletin ve dilin ad\u0131 ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitlilik (T\u00fcrk, Azerbaycanl\u0131, Azeri) olu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n

Farsla\u015fm\u0131\u015f mankurtlar<\/strong><\/h2>\n

T\u00fcrkler\u2019in e\u011fitimli kesimi i\u00e7inde etnik k\u00f6kenini ink\u00e2r eden, Farsla\u015fm\u0131\u015f mankurtlar say\u0131ca artt\u0131. Yeni Kesreviler, R\u0131zazade \u015eafaklar, Kaz\u0131mzadeler, Mahmud Af\u015farlar meydana \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Celal Ale-Ahmed\u2019in kaydetti\u011fi gibi, devletin T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011fe m\u00fcnasebette y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc siyasetin en hassas sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan birisi de \u00fclkede T\u00fcrkler ile Farslar aras\u0131nda nifak\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131 oldu. [50] Bir zamanlar Farslar\u0131n T\u00fcrkler hakk\u0131ndaki sald\u0131rgan etnik yaftalama ve latifelerine Farslar hakk\u0131nda stereotipler [kal\u0131p yarg\u0131lar] ilave edildi. Bu yeni durumun g\u00f6stergesi olarak Tebrizli Ali\u2019nin yukar\u0131da g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irdi\u011fimiz kitab\u0131ndaki Farslar hakk\u0131nda \u00e7e\u015fitli a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lay\u0131c\u0131 ifadeleri kaydedebiliriz.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda milletle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin gecikmesi negatif durumunu, T\u00fcrk mill\u00ee hareketi ideolojisinin \u015fekillenememesini, bu hareketin yeteri kadar te\u015fkilatlanamamas\u0131 tamamlamakta idi. Bu eksiklik de Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n ve \u00fclkedeki T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn Pehlevi rejiminin buhran\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131z kar\u015f\u0131lamas\u0131na sebep oldu.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Dipnotlar<\/p>\n

1 Az\u0259rbaycan (ADP MK-n\u0131n \u2013 Tud\u0259nin Az\u0259rbaycandak\u0131 yerli t\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n q\u0259zeti), 29.12.1971.<\/p>\n

2 Fred Halliday, \u0130ran: Dictatorship and Development, New Zealand, 1979, p. 216.<\/p>\n

3 \u00d6rne\u011fin bkz:\u0412.\u0418.\u041a\u043e\u0437\u043b\u043e\u0432, \u0414\u0438\u043d\u0430\u043c\u0438\u043a\u0430 \u0447\u0438\u0441\u043b\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u043d\u0430\u0440\u043e\u0434\u043e\u0432 (\u041c\u0435\u0442\u043e\u0434\u043e\u043b\u043e\u0433\u0438\u044f \u0438\u0441\u0441\u043b\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0438 \u043e\u0441\u043d\u043e\u0432\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u0444\u0430\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u044b), \u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430: \u041d\u0430\u0443\u043a\u0430, 1972, \u0441.49; \u0424\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u044f \u043d\u0430\u0446\u0438\u0439 \u0432 \u0426\u0435\u043d\u0442\u0440\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0438 \u042e\u0433\u043e-\u0432\u043e\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0447\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0415\u0432\u0440\u043e\u043f\u0435. \u0421\u0431\u043e\u0440\u043d\u0438\u043a \u0441\u0442\u0430\u0442\u0435\u0439,\u041c\u043e\u0441\u043a\u0432\u0430: \u041d\u0430\u0443\u043a\u0430, 1981, \u0441. 247-251, 323-328.<\/p>\n

4 \u00d6rne\u011fin bkz: Mahmud P\u0259nahiyan (T\u0259brizi)), F\u0259rh\u0259nge co\u011frafiyaye melliye Torkane \u0130ranz\u0259min, c.3, (yersiz), s.34-35.<\/p>\n

5 Bkz: Ali \u015eeriati,\u00a0 Bazg\u0259\u015ft, Tahran: Hoseyniyeyi-\u0259r\u015fad, 1357; Ali \u015eeriati, Ali \u015eias\u0131 Safevi \u015eias\u0131, Ankara:Fecr, 2009.<\/p>\n

6 MER\u0130P Reports, Washington D.C., no 3, 1980, p.6-9.<\/p>\n

7 Ali R\u0131za Nabdel, Azerbaycan v\u0259 meseleyi melli, s. 38.<\/p>\n

8 Baz\u0131 iddialara g\u00f6re, bask\u0131dan \u00f6nce el yazmas\u0131 elden ge\u00e7mi\u015f, yazar\u0131n fikirleri tahrif edilmi\u015ftir. Bu, zay\u0131f bir ihtimal say\u0131lmal\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc eserdeki fikirler yazar\u0131n \u00fcyesi oldu\u011fu te\u015fkilat\u0131n program belgelerindeki h\u00fck\u00fcmlere uygundur.<\/p>\n

9 A.g.e., s. 4.<\/p>\n

10 Ali R\u0131za Nabdel, Azerbaycan v\u0259 meseleyi melli, s. 11.<\/p>\n

11 A.g.e., s. 16.<\/p>\n

12 A.g.e., s. 20.<\/p>\n

13 A.g.e., s. 28.<\/p>\n

14 A.g.e., s. 29.<\/p>\n

15 A.g.e., s. 29-30.<\/p>\n

16 A.g.e., s. 39.<\/p>\n

17 Bijan Jazani, Capitalism and Revolution in \u0130ran, London, 1980.<\/p>\n

18 Nokate gerxi d\u0259r bareye m\u0259s\u0259leye melli d\u0259r \u0130ran v\u0259 h\u0259lle an \u0259z n\u0259z\u0259re Hezbe Tudeye \u0130ran, (yersiz, y\u0131ls\u0131z), s. 8-9.<\/p>\n

19 Ervand Abrahamian, \u2018Communism and Communalism in \u0130ran: The Tudah and the Firqah-i Dimukrat\u2019, p.315-316.<\/p>\n

20 Azerbaycan, N 7, 1983, s. 125.<\/p>\n

21 Doktor Salamulla Cavid, O g\u00fcn\u00fcn hasreti ile…Hatiralar, Bak\u00fc:Yurt, 2003, s.109.<\/p>\n

22 Samed Behrengi, Pare-pare, T\u0259briz, 1342; H\u00fcseyin Sad\u0131k, Asari \u0259z \u015fo\u0259rayi Az\u0259rbaycan, Tahran, 1352; H\u00fcseyin Sad\u0131k, Vaqif \u2013 \u015faere zibai v\u0259 h\u0259qiq\u0259t, Tebriz, 1347.<\/p>\n

23 Celal Ale-Ahm\u0259d, D\u0259r xedm\u0259t v\u0259 x\u0259yan\u0259te rou\u015f\u0259nfekran, c. 2, Tahran:Harezmi, 1357, s. 314.<\/p>\n

24 N\u0259sib N\u0259sibzad\u0259, B\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f Azerbaycan, B\u00fct\u00fcn Az\u0259rbaycan, Bak\u00fc: Ay-Y\u0131ld\u0131z, 1997, s. 202203.<\/p>\n

25 Tebrizli Ali, Edebiyat ve milliyet, s. 115-116.<\/p>\n

26 Muhammed Ali Ferzane, M\u0259baniye d\u0259sture z\u0259bane Az\u0259rbaycan, Tebriz, 1344, s. 1-2.<\/p>\n

27Azerbaycan dil bilgisinde yaz\u0131m kurallar\u0131, Tahran, 1344; Muhammed Tagi Zehtabi, Ana dilimizi nas\u0131l yazal\u0131m? [yersiz], 1360; Z.M. (Zehtabi), \u0130ran T\u00fcrk\u00e7esinin sarfiyat\u0131, [yersiz], 1955; Muhammed Ali Ferzane, Azerbaycan dilinin grameri, Tebriz, 1965; N. Vezinpur, Saxtemane fel d\u0259rz\u0259bane Torki \u0259z dideqane z\u0259ban\u015fenasi, Tahran, 1348.<\/p>\n

28 S.M.Cad [Salamulla Cavid], Azerbaycan diline mahsus sarfiyat v\u0259 n\u0259hv,[yersiz, y\u0131ls\u0131z], \u201ccim\u201d sayfas\u0131.<\/p>\n

29 Tebrizli Ali, Edebiyat v\u0259 milliyet, Tahran: Atropat Kitabevi,[y\u0131s\u0131z]. Bu kitab\u0131n \u0130randa son \u00e7ap\u0131 2010 y\u0131l\u0131nda Dil ve Edebiyat ad\u0131nda, G\u00fcne\u015f dergisi emekda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 sonucunda, S\u0259id Mu\u011fanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n edit\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f. Kitab\u0131n ilk bask\u0131s\u0131ndaki kapa\u011f\u0131nda Dil ve Edebiyat, sayfa ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise Edebiyat ve Milliyet. Birinci Cilt yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r. Yazar, galiba Dil ve Edebiyat\u2019\u0131 iki ciltte yay\u0131nlamay\u0131 planlam\u0131\u015f, ancak tek birini yay\u0131nlayabilmi\u015ftir. Biz ilk bask\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 daha uy\u011fun g\u00f6rd\u00fck.<\/p>\n

30 Bkz: Abdullah A\u011fcak\u00f6yl\u00fc, \u2018Bilinmeyen B\u00fcy\u00fck Bir T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7eci Tebrizli Ali\u2019, T\u00fcrk K\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, say\u0131 1, y\u0131l 1, Kas\u0131m 1962, s. 41-45; Abdullah A\u011fcak\u00f6yl\u00fc, \u2018Tebrizli Aliden Se\u00e7me \u015eiirler\u2019, T\u00fcrk K\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, say\u0131 2, y\u0131l 1, Aral\u0131k 1962, s. 29-34; \u041d.\u041b.\u041d\u0430\u0441\u0438\u0431\u0437\u0430\u0434\u0435, \u2018\u0410.\u0420.\u041d\u0430\u0431\u0434\u0435\u043b\u044c \u0438 \u0410.\u0422\u0430\u0431\u0440\u0438\u0437\u043b\u0438: \u0414\u0432\u0430 \u0443\u043a\u043b\u043e\u043d\u0430 \u0432 \u0438\u0434\u0435\u043e\u043b\u043e\u0433\u0438\u0438 \u043d\u0430\u0446\u0438\u043e\u043d\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e-\u043e\u0441\u0432\u043e\u0431\u043e\u0434\u0438\u0442\u0435\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0434\u0432\u0438\u0436\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0430\u0437\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0430\u0439\u0434\u0436\u0430\u043d\u0446\u0435\u0432 \u0432 \u0418\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0435\u2019, Az\u0259rbaycan SSR Elml\u0259r Akademiyas\u0131n\u0131n X\u0259b\u0259rl\u0259ri, Tarix, f\u0259ls\u0259f\u0259 v\u0259 h\u00fcquq seriyas\u0131, 1988, N 2, s. 60-66.<\/p>\n

31 Tebrizli Ali, Edebiyat v\u0259 milliyyet, s.3. Al\u0131nt\u0131larda orijinal\u0131n \u00fcslubunu m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu kadar korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k.<\/p>\n

32 A.g.e., s. 18.<\/p>\n

33 Tebrizli Ali, Edebiyat v\u0259 milliyyet, s. 18.<\/p>\n

34 A.g.e.,\u00a0 s. 101.<\/p>\n

35 A.g.e.\u00a0 T\u00fcrk s\u00fclalelerinin Fars k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc himay\u0259 etmesi, ancak T\u00fcrk dil ve edebiyat\u0131na bigane kalmalar\u0131 mevzusunu Ahmed A\u011fao\u011flu v\u0259 M. Emin Resulzade de incelemi\u015fler. Bkz: Nesib Nesibli, Ahmed A\u011fao\u011flu \u0130ran hakk\u0131nda, http:\/\/www.gunaz.tv\/aze\/14\/articleCat\/1\/articleID\/2260-RESULZADENIN-CAGDASNIZAMI-SI.html\/inner\/1; Nesib N\u0259sibli, R\u0259sulzadenin \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f \u201cNizamisi\u201d, http:\/\/www.gunaz.tv\/aze\/14\/articleCat\/1\/articleID\/2260-RESULZADENIN-CAGDASNIZAMI-SI.html\/inner\/1<\/a><\/p>\n

36 Tebrizli Ali, Edebiyat v\u0259 milliyet, s.137.<\/p>\n

37 Tebrizli Ali, Edebiyat ve milliyet, s. 87.<\/p>\n

38 A.g.e., s. 90.<\/p>\n

39 A.g.e., s. 89.<\/p>\n

40 A.g.e., s. 91.<\/p>\n

41 A.g.e., s. 92.<\/p>\n

42 A.g.e., s. 88.<\/p>\n

43 A.g.e., s. 130.<\/p>\n

44 A.g.e., s. 95.<\/p>\n

45 A.g.e., s. 104.<\/p>\n

46 A.g.e., s. 54.<\/p>\n

47 Celal Ale-Ahmed, D\u0259r xedm\u0259t v\u0259 x\u0259yan\u0259te rou\u015f\u0259nfekran, c. 2, s. 138.<\/p>\n

48 Xand\u0259niha, 11.09.1962, s.9.<\/p>\n

49 Celal Ale-Ahmed, Tatne\u015finhaye boluke Z\u0259hra, Tahran, 1958, s. 43.<\/p>\n

50 Celal Ale-Ahmed, D\u0259r xedm\u0259t v\u0259 x\u0259yan\u0259te rou\u015f\u0259nfekran, c. 2, s. 139.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

T\u00fcrklerin milletle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin gecikmesi, mill\u00ee hareket ideolojisinin \u015fekillenememesi, bu hareketin yeteri kadar te\u015fkilatlanamamas\u0131 Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n ve \u0130ran T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn, Pehlevi rejimini buhran\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131z kalmas\u0131na sebep olmu\u015ftu. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":130,"featured_media":10329,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[2,66,69],"tags":[1342,1346,1344,1345,1340,1347,485,1343,1341],"yoast_head":"\nPehlevi rejiminin asimilasyon siyaseti: Zulme direni\u015f - M\u0130SAK- Mill\u00ee Strateji Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Kurulu<\/title>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/millidusunce.com\/misak\/pehlevi-rejiminin-asimilasyon-siyaseti-zulme-direnis\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Pehlevi rejiminin asimilasyon siyaseti: Zulme direni\u015f - 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